LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


GIFT  OF" 


C/^ss 


ECONOMICS  OF  THE  IROQUOIS 


A    DISSERTATION 

PRESENTED  TO  THE  FACULTY  OF  BRYN  MAWR  COLLEGE 
FOR  THE  DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


BY 


SARA   HENRY  STITES 


1904 


PRESS  or 

THE  NEW  ERA  PRINTING  COMPANY 
LANCASTER,  P*. 


1905 


CONTENTS. 

INTRODUCTION. 

SKETCH  OF  THE  ECONOMIC  SYSTEMS  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  INDIANS. 

The  Arctic,  the  Barren,  the  Forest,  the  Plain,  and  the  Desert-Oasis 
Environments; — the  domestic  economy  characteristic  of  the 
Barren  and  Arctic  Environments,  the  village  economy  charac 
teristic  of  the  Western  Forest  Environment,  the  republican 
clan  economy  characteristic  of  the  Plain  Environment,  the 
communal  clan  economy  characteristic  of  the  Desert-Oasis 
Environment  i 

The  economic  systems  of  the  Eastern  Forest  Environment n 


PART  I. 

ECONOMIC  ANTECEDENTS  OF  IROQUOIS  CULTURE. 
CHAPTER  I. — THE  ENVIRONMENT  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

The  transitional  state  of  Iroquois  culture 13 

Location  and  previous  history 13 

Nature  of  environment  in  seventeenth  century 14 

A  geographic  unity 14 

Topography    15 

Hydrography  15 

Climate    16 

Potential  utilities: — Food  products — animal  and  vegetable;   Raw 

materials — animal,  vegetable,  and  mineral 16 

The  Hurons,  a  related  tribe  living  in  a  similar  environment 19 

CHAPTER  II.— THE  PRODUCTIVE  ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

Manner  of  production: — root  grubbing,  and  fruit  and  nut  gathering; 

hunting  and  trapping ;  fishing ;  agriculture 20 

Relative  importance  of  these  different  activities: — the  growing  ten 
dency  of  the  Iroquois  to  depend  for  subsistence  upon  agricul 
ture  23 

Manufactures    26 

iii 


IV  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

CHAPTER  III— THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  PRODUCERS. 

The  sexual  division  of  labor 27 

The  organization  of  producers 30 

Instances  of  the  existence  of  the  domestic  economy 30 

The  clan  economy  characteristic  of  the  Iroquois 31 

The  women's  agricultural  clan , 31 

The  men's  clan,  primarily  an  organization  of  warriors  and  secondarily 

a  hunting  body 32 

Relative  influence  of  the  two  clans  upon  the  life  of  the  community  as 

a  whole ;  the  prominence  of  the  women's  clan 38 

Tribal  organization 39 

Confederate  organization 40 

The  servile  class  of  producers — captives  and  effeminate  men 41 

The  position  of  the  medicine  men  in  production 42 

CHAPTER  IV.— THE  WEALTH  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

The  concrete  economic  concept  of  wealth 44 

Primary  production  goods : 

For  general  use — the  knife  and  axe 44 

For  hunting — the  bow  and  arrow,  traps  and  snares,  the  dog 46 

For  fishing — the  harpoon,  the  net,  the  weir 48 

For  agriculture — the  wooden  rake,  the  digging  stick,  the  hoe 49 

Secondary  production  goods: 

For  the  preparation  of  food — the  weighted  drill  and  spindle-whorl,  5° 

cooking  and  eating  utensils  of  earthenware,  wood,  and  bark 53 

For  the  making  of  clothing — scrapers,  bone  awls,  and  needles,  etc. 
Means  of  transportation — bretelles  and  burden  straps,  snow-shoes 

and   sleds,   canoes 54 

Consumption  goods : 
Articles  of  food — 

Maize  preparations  the  staple  of  village  life 57 

Meat  and  fish  the  principal  articles  of  food  during  the  hunt 

and  the  fishing  expedition 58 

Beverages   58 

Stored   surplus 58 

Clothings  and  furnishings, — textiles  and  articles  of  skin 60 

Armor   61 

Shelter, — stationary  dwellings  of  wood  and  bark 61 

The  village  and  its  fortifications 64 

The  abstract  economic  concept  of  wealth;  the  Iroquois  use  of  wam 
pum    66 

The  prestige  value  of  wampum 67 


CONTENTS.  V 

CHAPTER  V.— THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  WEALTH. 

The  confederacy 69 

The  tribe 69 

The  men's  clan 7° 

The   women's   clan 71 

Inheritance   72 

The  influence  of  the  clan  principle  of  distribution  upon  the  consump 
tion   group 73 

The  place  of  the  individual  in  the  distributive  system 74 

The  medicine  men — a  class  above  the  clan  and  exacting  tribute 76 

The  captives — a  class  below  the  clan  and  rendering  tribute 78 

CHAPTER  VI.— EXCHANGE. 

A  system  of  barter  between  tribes 79 

Trade  carried  on  to  a  great  extent  by  the  men's  clans  as  such 80 

Means  of  effecting  exchange ; — present  giving 81 

The  use  of  wampum  as  a  medium  of  exchange 82 


PART  II. 

SOCIOLOGICAL  CONSEQUENTS. 
CHAPTER  I.— THE  FAMILY. 

The  two  forms  of  the  family  in  general 85 

The  paternal  family,  the  one  form  of  organization  known  to  the  do 
mestic  and  village  economy 85 

The  paternal  family,  the  unit  of  consumption  in  the  republican  clan 

economies    86 

The  maternal  family  characteristic  of  the  society  dominated  by  the 

communal   clan 86 

The  origin  of  the  maternal  form  of  the  family  to  be  sought  in  the 
transitional  economy  in  which  the  women's  clan  monopolized 

the   agricultural   surplus 87 

Example  in  primitive  Semitic  life 87 

The  maternal  family  in  the  Iroquois  village 87- 

Influence  of  the  men's  clan 88 

Obligations  of  the  marriage  contract 88 

The  advantages  on  the  side  of  the  wife 89 

The  elevated  position  of  the  wife  in  the  Iroquois  family 9° 

Parental  and  filial   relationships 92    , 

The  reappearance  of  the  paternal  family  during  the  hunting  season. ..  93  -Pr 


VI  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

CHAPTER  II. — STATE  AND  GOVERNMENT. 

Unsatisfactoriness  of  the  kinship  theory  of  Iroquois  society 96 

The  economic  basis  of  Iroquois  political  institutions 97 

The  political  life  of  the  Iroquois  sedentary  community; — the  gentile 
government  representative  of  both  clans,  and  more  particularly 
of  the  women's  clan;— the  functions  of  the  gentile  government.  97 

The  village  or  tribal  government 101 

The  council  of  the  Elders 103 

The  functions  of  the  tribal  council 106 

The  nature  of  Iroquois  laws, — custom-made  rules  of  conduct,  the  in 
violability  of  which  was  guaranteed  by  the  council 107 

The  chiefs  the  executive  agents  of  the  council 107 

The  representative  nature  of  the  government  shown  by  the  fact  that 

public  opinion  was  the  only  sanction  of  the  laws 108 

Incorrigibility  punished  by  exclusion  from  the  organization no 

Treason  punished  by  death in 

The  confederate  government,  a  council  composed  of  gentile  chiefs...  112 
The  system  of  voting  in  the  council  of  the  confederacy  a  proof  of  the 

economic  basis  of  the  government 113 

The  general  council  of  the  confederacy 1 14 

The  functions  of  the  council  of  the  confederacy 1 14 

The  executive  machinery  of  the  confederacy 115 

The  government  of  the  men's  clan  on  the  hunt  and  on  the  war-path. .  115 

The  Iroquois  aristocracy 117 

The   disfranchised   class 1 18 

The  share  in  sovereignty  possessed  by  the  medicine  men 120 

CHAPTER  III.— RELIGION. 

The  economic  foundation  of  all  primitive  religions 121 

Fetishism  the  result  of  the  domestic  economy 121 

The  religion  characteristic  of  hunters  and  herders 122 

The  religion  characteristic  of  the  agricultural  community 123 

When  economic  life  is  in  a  transitional  state,  religious  development 

is  found  to  correspond 125 

Deities   of  the   Iroquois 126 

Traces  of  fetishism  in  Iroquois  religion 126 

Polytheism  the  dominant  characteristic  of  their  religion 127 

Deification  of  various  animal  types  of  importance  to  the  hunter 127 

Deification  of  certain  species  of  plants  of  importance  to  agriculture..  128 
Predominance  of  animal  worship  resulting  from  religious  conserva 
tism    129 

Deification  of  natural  phenomena  influencing  economic  life : — the  Sky, 

the  Sun,   etc 129 


CONTENTS.  vii 

Ceremonials  connected  with  hunting  deities 135 

Ceremonials  connected  with  agricultural  deities 137 

Organization   of  worshipers   corresponding   to   organization   of   pro 
ducers    138 

The  beginnings  of  a  Priesthood 139 

Secret   societies 139 

The  medicine  men  a  separate  religious  class . . . : 140 

CHAPTER  IV.— MORALS. 

Virtues — the  qualities  likely  to  insure  success  in  economic  life 144 

CHAPTER  V.— GENERAL  CULTURE. 

Economic  conditions  explain  the  characteristic  features  of  the  general 

culture   of  the   Iroquois 147 

Their  fine  physical  development 14? 

The  extent  of  their  astronomical  knowledge 148 

The  extent  of  their  knowledge  of  medicine 148 

Their  knowledge  of  agriculture  methods 149 

The    Iroquois    calendar 150 

Development  of  system  of  communication  and  record  keeping 15 l 

Tact,   conversational   ability,   etc 155 

Esthetic   taste 155 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  investigations  carried  on  under  Professor  Keasbey's  direc 
tion  by  students  of  the  seminar  during  the  past  few  years  have 
led  to  the  formulation  of  certain  general  conclusions  in  regard  to 
the  development  of  primitive  societies. 

An  economy,  according  to  Professor  Keasbey,  may  be  defined 
as  "  a  system  of  activities  whereby  the  potential  utilities  inherent 
in  the  environment  are  through  utilization  converted  into  actual 
utilities."1  The  motives  making  for  utilization  are  everywhere 
the  same;  nevertheless,  since  the  potential  utilities  of  one  en 
vironment  differ  from  those  of  another,  processes  of  utilization 
must  differ  accordingly.  Starting  from  this  principle,  it  has  been 
found  convenient  to  plot  off  the  surface  of  the  earth  into  a  series 
of  typical  environments;  e.  g.  the  jungle,  the  arctic,  the  barren, 
the  forest,  the  plain,  the  desert  oasis,  the  river  valley,  etc.  The 
nature  of  the  potential  utilities  characteristic  of  each  of  these 
environments  seems  in  every  case  to  determine  the  process  of 
utilization  and  hence  the  economic  life  of  the  inhabitants.  Every 
where  similar  conditions  seem  to  result  in  similar  forms  of  utiliza 
tion.  Between  the  economic  activities  and  the  social  institutions 
of  mankind  there  is  also  perceptible  a  relation  of  cause  and  effect. 
Everywhere  like  systems  of  utilization  give  rise  to  like  familial, 
political,  and  ecclesiastical  institutions. 

The  work  assigned  me  has  been  confined  chiefly  to  the  primitive 
societies  of  North  America.  The  results  gained  from  an  in 
tensive  study  of  Iroquois  life,  I  shall  present  in  this  monograph. 

In  order  to  make  plain  the  significance  of  Iroquois  institutions 
it  will  be  advisable,  in  a  general  way,  to  relate  their  environment 
with  the  other  environments  of  North  America,  and  their  manner 
of  life  with  the  manners  of  life  of  other  Indian  tribes.  At  the 

• "  A  Classification  of  Economies."  Reprint  from  Proc.  Am.  Philos. 
Soc.,  Vol.  XLI,  No.  169,  page  i. 

i  i 


2  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  North  America,  exclusive 
of  Mexico,  included  several  more  or  less  distinct  cultural  areas, 
which  may  be  enumerated  in  the  following  order :  first,  the  Arctic 
Environment,  extending  all  the  way  across  the  northern-most 
zone  of  the  continent,  its  southern  boundary  being  the  indefinite 
line  marking  the  transition  from  the  frigid  to  the  cold  temperate 
zone ;  second,  the  Barren  Environment,  stretching  from  the  Rocky 
Mountains  on  the  east  to  the  Pacific  coast  ranges  on  the  west, 
and  from  the  Columbia  River  on  the  north  to  the  Colorado  River 
valley  on  the  south ;  third,  the  Forest  Environment,  including  the 
eastern  portion  of  the  continent  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  western 
edge  of  the  forest  belt,  and  also  the  narrow  region  lying  along 
the  Pacific  coast  west  of  the  Coast  Ranges ;  fourth,  the  Plain  En 
vironment,  extending  from  the  edge  of  the  forest  belt  to  the  Rocky 
Mountains ;  and  fifth,  the  Desert-Oasis  Environment,  stretching 
from  the  Colorado  River  southward  to  the  Gulf  and  into  Mexico. 
Each  of  these  environments  possessed  certain  characteristic  fea 
tures  which  determined  the  manner  of  life  of  the  early  inhabitants. 

In  the  sterile  and  ice-bound  environment  of  the  Arctic  area, 
the  basis  of  subsistence  was  fish,  whales,  and  seals.  Even  this 
food  supply  was  often  scanty  and  difficult  to  obtain.  In  general, 
the  conditions  under  which  man  carried  on  the  struggle  for  exist 
ence  were  extremely  hard,  and  allowed  very  little  opportunity  for 
progress. 

The  western  slope  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  the  great  plain 
adjoining  well  deserved  the  epithet  "  barren."  This  region,  cut 
off  by  the  coast  ranges  from  the  moist  breezes  of  the  Pacific  and 
by  the  Rocky  Mountains  from  the  Atlantic  winds,  was  an  arid  and 
sterile  desert  with  little  or  no  vegetation  and  but  a  scanty  supply 
of  fish  and  small  game.  Thus  the  Barren,  like  the  Arctic  En 
vironment,  offered  little  encouragement  to  primitive  progress. 

The  eastern  forest  region  rejoiced  in  a  mild  climate  and  a 
plentiful  rainfall.  Before  the  European  settlement  the  whole  dis 
trict  was  covered  by  a  forest  of  varying  density,  the  trees  growing 
thickest  in  the  temperate  and  warm  temperate  parts  of  the  east 
and  south,  and  becoming  fewer  in  the  north  toward  Hudson's 
Bay,  and  in  the  west  throughout  the  park-like  region  in  the 


INTRODUCTION.  3 

vicinity  of  the  Mississippi.  The  whole  section  was  stocked  with 
fish  and  game.  From  the  Great  Lakes  southward,  the  climate 
was  warm  and  the  soil  fertile  enough  to  encourage  more  or  less 
cultivation  of  maize  in  the  river  valleys  and  open  spaces  and  clear 
ings  in  the  woods.  Generally  speaking,  it  was  an  environment 
conducing  to  a  hunting  and  fishing  life,  with  a  growing  depend 
ence  upon  maize  culture  toward  the  south. 

The  western  forest  environment,  stretching  from  the  Columbia 
River  valley  down  along  the  Pacific  coast,  was  characterized  by  an 
equable  oceanic  climate  and  by  an  abundant  flora  and  fauna.  It 
was  especially  rich  in  fish,  small  game,  nuts,  roots,  etc.  The  main 
difference  between  the  western  and  the  eastern  forest  environ 
ment  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  in  the  latter  the  main  supply 
was  game,  while  in  the  former  fish  took  the  chief  place. 

The  Great  Plain,  between  the  Mississippi  River  and  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  though  traversed  by  several  large  river  systems  tribu 
tary  to  the  Mississippi,  was  a  comparatively  arid  region  with  but 
a  scanty  rainfall.  Hence  there  was  but  little  vegetation.  Never 
theless,  this  section  of  the  continent  was  originally  well  stocked 
with  game.  Over  its  vast  extent  great  herds  of  buffalo  ranged, 
subsisting  on  the  long  succulent  grass  with  which  the  prairie  was 
covered,  and  migrating  from  north  to  south,  and  back  again,  ac 
cording  to  the  seasons.  Before  the  Discovery  the  Prairie  was 
not  inhabited,  except  by  occasional  bands  of  buffalo  hunters  on 
expeditions  from  their  villages  on  the  Mississippi  and  its  great 
western  tributaries.  The  introduction  of  the  horse  gave  a  decided 
impetus  to  buffalo  hunting  as  a  means  of  livelihood.  After  this 
event  the  great  stock  of  the  Sioux  pushed  farther  and  farther  into 
the  wilderness,  and  developed  more  and  more  perfectly  the  econ 
omy  in  social  life  typical  of  nomadic  plain-dwelling  people  the 
world  over. 

The  region  south  of  the  barren  plateau,  between  the  Colorado 
River  valley  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  has  been  called  the  desert- 
oasis  environment.  Here  the  sterile  highland  was  deeply  gashed 
by  swift-flowing  rivers,  which  found  their  sources  in  the  Rocky 
Mountains  and  emptied  into  the  Gulf  of  California  on  the  one 
hand,  and  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  on  the  other.  In  the  deep 


4  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

river  valleys  were  rich  alluvial  deposits  which,  with  the  help  of 
irrigation,  could  be,  and  were,  cultivated.  Hence  the  aboriginal 
inhabitants  of  the  region  were  gathered  in  small  isolated  agricul 
tural  communities,  depending  for  subsistence  chiefly  upon  maize 
culture. 

The  environmental  conditions  of  each  of  the  areas  just  de 
scribed  required  in  every  case  the  adoption  by  the  primitive  in 
habitants  of  an  economic  system  suitable  to  their  surroundings. 
Their  economy  in  turn  determined  the  nature  of  their  social  insti 
tutions.  In  fact,  the  forms  of  the  family,  of  the  state,  and  of 
religion  among  any  given  people,  are,  according  to  the  hypothesis, 
to  be  regarded  as  sociological  consequents  of  certain  economic 
antecedents :  in  other  words,  they  are  the  outcome  of  the  peculiar 
systems  of  production,  consumption,  and  distribution  that  have 
proved  most  advantageous  in  a  given  environment.  In  the  bar 
ren  environment  of  the  great  western  desert,  marked  by  extremes 
of  temperature  and  poverty  of  flora  and  fauna,  the  food-quest 
consisted  primarily  of  root  grubbing  and  acorn  gathering,  with 
some  fishing,  and  hunting  of  small  animals.  The  means  of  pro 
duction  consisted  of  such  inventions  as  were  needed  to  procure 
food ;  as,  for  instance,  the  bow  and  arrow,  the  digging  stick,  and 
the  basket  for  carrying  roots  and  nuts.  The  production  group  in 
this  case  was  the  family;  the  wife  gathering  roots  and  nuts  and 
bringing  up  the  children,  while  the  husband  obtained  what  fish 
and  game  he  could  find  and  acted  as  defender  of  the  group. 
Anything  less  than  this  mere  sexual  association  of  labor  was 
impossible,  if  the  species  was  to  be  preserved.  Anything  more 
extensive  in  the  line  of  cooperation  was  likewise  made  impossible 
by  the  scantiness  of  the  food  supply,  and  the  consequent  necessity 
of  dispersion  in  the  smallest  possible  groups.  "  The  Mountain 
Snakes,"  says  Schoolcraft,  "  exist  in  small  detached  bodies  and 
single  families,  and  change  their  locations  so  widely  that  they 
seem  to  have  no  particular  claim  to  any  portion."1  Similar  cir 
cumstances  as  regards  scarcity  of  food  resulted  in  a  similar  man 
ner  of  life  during  a  large  part  of  the  year  among  the  Esquimaux 
of  the  Arctic  region.  We  are  told  that  "  The  Esquimaux  live  in 

1  Schoolcraft,  "Hist  Ind.  Tribes,"  I,  224. 


INTRODUCTION.  5 

the  most  perfect  state  of  independence  of  each  other, — the  youth, 
as  soon  as  he  is  able  to  build  a  kaiak  and  to  support  himself,  no 
longer  observes  any  family  ties,  but  goes  where  his  fancy  takes 
him."  Obviously,,  therefore,  the  consumption  and  distribution 
group  must  also  have  been  represented  by  the  family:  of  ex 
change,  there  was  no  question. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  politics,  also,  among  the  Esquimaux, 
as  among  the  Indians  of  the  Great  Desert,  the  family  was  at  once 
the  largest  and  the  smallest  group.  Mere  congregation  of  these 
units  might  occur  at  certain  seasons  in  spots  where  acorns  or 
fish  were  plentiful.  At  the  most,  however,  only  a  loose  tem 
porary  organization  resulted.  The  family  remained  the  social 
unit  and  wandered  off  again  when  it  pleased,  a  complete  political 
and  production  group.  Within  the  family,  husband  and  wife 
associated  their  labor  in  producing  the  surplus ;  nevertheless,  the 
female,  isolated  from  others  of  her  own  sex,  was  entirely  de 
pendent  upon  the  male  for  defense  and  hence  for  access  to  the 
source  of  supply.  The  man,  then,  may  be  said  to  have  controlled 
the  social  surplus;  hence  sovereignty  belonged  to  him,  and  he 
wielded  unlimited  authority  over  the  little  group  of  which  he 
was  the  head :  in  other  words,  the  rule  of  the  husband  and  father 
was  the  only  government  known  to  these  domestic  economists. 
The  religion  and  morals  of  this  stage  of  culture  were  of  the 
simplest  description.  Their  religion  was  the  lowest  form  of 
Fetishism — abject  fear  of  disutilities  and  reverence  of  utilities. 

A  stage  above  the  domestic  economists  of  the  Arctic  region  and 
the  Great  Desert  stood  the  village  economists  of  the  western  forest. 
True,  the  latter  had  made  no  distinct  advance  in  methods  of  pro 
duction  nor  in  political  organization ;  yet  from  the  economic  posi 
tion  which  they  occupied,,  some  progress  in  these  respects  became 
possible.  On  the  northwest  coast,  the  periodical  ascent  of  the  rivers 
by  the  salmon  at  the  spawning  season  afforded  the  aborigines  an 
abundant  and  regular  food  supply.  Families,  therefore,  did  not 
need  to  separate  as  they  increased  in  numbers ;  on  the  contrary, 
large  gentile  groups  remained  together,  settled  near  the  good 
fishing  places,  while  their  means  of  production  tended  to  become 
preeminently  a  stock  of  implements  and  inventions  of  especial  use 


6  ECONOMICS   OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

in  fishing.  As  a  consequence,  to  the  acquisitive  goods  of  the 
domestic  economy  were  added  a  new  set  of  commodities ;  never 
theless  there  was  no  material  advance  in  the  methods  of  produc 
tion.  Though  the  abundance  of  the  food  supply  rendered  possible 
the  congregation  of  large  numbers  of  families,  the  nature  of  the 
supply  called  for  no  great  amount  of  cooperation  among  producers. 
In  the  construction  and  defense  of  the  fish-weir  there  was  indeed 
some  combination,  but  this  was  of  the  loosest  kind.  In  the  main, 
the  family  continued  to  be  the  unit  of  production  and  consump 
tion — the  husband  attending  to  the  catching  of  the  fish,  and  the 
women  of  the  family  looking  after  the  other  productive  activities.1 
The  family  support  was  further  augmented  by  slave  labor,  now 
made  possible  by  the  abundance  of  the  food  supply,  and  also  by 
the  fact  that  the  fishing  implements  supplied  to  the  captive  slave 
could  not  be  used  as  weapons  to  attack  the  master.  The  fact  that 
slave  labor  was  practicable  also  caused  some  slight  differences  in 
distribution  as  between  different  families.  Hence  occurred  a 
faint  manifestation  of  the  phenomenon  of  prestige  value.  Some 
families  were  richer  than  others  in  slaves,  and  hence  in  stores  of 
food,  blankets,  etc.  Furthermore,  the  more  slaves  a  man  had, 
the  more  wives  he  could  own,  since  the  surplus  product  of  the 
slaves'  labor  could  be  used  to  support  these  women.  Slaves  there 
fore  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  sort  of  standard  of  value,  in  terms 
of  which  a  man's  wealth  was  sometimes  estimated. 

The  introduction  of  the  village  economy  wrought  little  essential 
change  in  the  constitution  of  the  state.  The  village  was,  in  the 
main,  only  a  congregation  of  many  domestic  economies.  There 
might  be,  of  course,  some  temporary  military  organization  for 
purposes  of  defense ;  undoubtedly,  too,  some  general  influence  was 
constantly  exerted  by  one  or  two  of  the  older  and  richer  men,  for 
the  purpose  of  keeping  peace  and  order  among  the  different  fam 
ilies  ;  nevertheless,  the  political  and  governmental  system  differed 
but  little  from  that  of  domestic  economists.  Each  family  or  gens 
in  the  village  continued  to  form  a  separate  political  and  govern 
mental  unit,  in  which  the  father  or  patriarch  was  the  sovereign 
power. 

1  Keasbey,  "  Inst.  of  Society,"  Internal.  Mo.,  I,  383,  386. 


INTRODUCTION.  / 

So  far  but  one  really  fundamental  type  of  economy  has  ap 
peared.  This  is  the  "  domestic "  system,  adapted  to  regions 
where  the  nature  of  the  food-supply  makes  cooperation  not  advan 
tageous.  Even  the  village  economy  was  a  mere  aggregation  of 
domestic  economies.  Yet  a  distinction  must  be  made  between 
the  village  and  the  domestic  systems,  because  in  the  former  the 
occasional  appearance  of  a  new  principle  is  noticeable.  The  man 
agement  of  the  weir  in  the  salmon  fishing  season  and  the  defense 
of  their  collective  riparian  rights  caused  at  certain  seasons  the 
formation  of  an  organization  among  the  men  of  the  different 
families.  This  temporary  union  of  the  men  of  the  village  into  a 
band,  each  member  of  which  cooperated  with  all  the  rest  in  order 
to  carry  out  certain  definite  purposes,  was  the  clan :  hence,  for  the 
time  being,  the  family  as  a  productive  and  political  unit  disap 
peared,  and  the  clan  took  its  place. 

Where  the  cooperative  method  of  production  had  through  force 
of  environmental  circumstances  reached  a  fuller  development  and 
become  comparatively  permanent,  the  general  character  of  village 
life  was  correspondingly  altered.  The  settlement  was  no  longer 
a  mere  aggregation  of  families  each  economically  and  politically 
independent  of  the  others.  On  the  contrary,  its  chief  productive 
activities  were  carried  on  by  an  association  of  cooperating  indi 
viduals,  bound  together  not  merely  by  family  affection,  but  by  the 
ties  of  economic  interest.  In  order  to  keep  up  the  population, 
the  family  remained  in  existence,  but  it  had  no  economic  function 
beyond  that  of  consumption.  As  a  productive  association,  it  had 
become  merged  in  the  clan ;  and  political  sovereignty  passed  from 
the  individual  fathers  of  families  to  the  clan  as  a  whole.  The  lat 
ter  now  controlled  the  access  to  the  source  of  supply,  and  conse 
quently  had  absolute  power  over  such  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
village  as  were  without  the  limits  of  the  clan,  and  were  dependent 
upon  it  for  support  or  defense.  Government,  therefore,  was  rep 
resentative  only  of  the  clan.  In  the  establishment  of  this  clan 
principle  is  to  be  found  the  origin  of  organized  society.  "  The 
clan,"  says  Professor  Keasbey,  "  is  neither  a  confederacy  of 
domestic  units  nor  an  aggregation  of  individuals,  but  an  organiza 
tion  in  the  full  force  of  the  term — it  is  a  corporation,  an  economic 


8  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

body  politic,  whose  constituent  members  are  not  so  much  severally 
bound,,  as  jointly  united  in  a  common  cause.  The  permanent 
productive  clan  is,  in  short,  the  first  form  of  the  state."1 

The  first  stage  of  development  of  the  clan  economy  occurred 
in  the  Plain  environment.  In  this  region,  the  buffalo  supplied 
all  the  prime  necessaries  of  existence.  The  wandering  habits 
of  the  animal  and  its  gregarious  tendencies  taken  together 
with  the  nature  of  its  habitat  had  a  distinct  effect  upon  the 
economy  of  the  human  beings  who  depended  upon  it  for  subsist 
ence.  The  buffalo  hunting  tribes  were  naturally  clan  economists. 
After  the  introduction  of  the  horse  had  enabled  tribes  like  the 
Dacotahs  and  Comanches  to  push  out  farther  into  the  Plain,  and 
to  depend  entirely  upon  the  buffalo  as  their  source  of  supply,  the 
process  of  organization  seems  to  have  been  completed. 2  Produc 
tion  ceased  to  be  carried  on  by  the  family  group  with  its  mere 
sexual  association  of  labor.  On  the  contrary,  the  productive  unit 
was  a  group  outside  the  family  and  even  antagonistic  to  it. 
Withdrawing  from  their  families  all  the  able-bodied  men,  it  united 
them,  under  a  leader  with  authority  of  life  and  death,  in  a  closely 
organized  cooperative  band.  Each  member  of  the  group  had  his 
part  to  perform  in  the  buffalo  hunt,  some  acted  as  scouts,  others 
as  a  sort  of  police,  others  as  simple  marksmen.3  A  similarly  rigid 
military  organization  existed.  Just  as  every  able-bodied  man  was 
a  hunter,  so  also  was  he  a  warrior,  likely  at  any  time  to  be  called 
by  force  of  public  opinion  to  join  some  war  party,  and  under  the 
leadership  of  a  war  chief  to  cooperate  with  others  in  the  defense 
of  the  hunting  grounds  or  in  the  preservation  of  their  prestige 
among  their  neighbors.  To  this  hunting  and  warring  republican 
clan,  the  women  of  the  group  formed  a  sort  of  subsidiary  and 
unorganized  set  of  assistants.  The  means  of  subsistence  once 
procured  by  the  men's  clan,  the  women  prepared  it  for  use.  They 
cut  up  the  meat,  and  prepared  the  skins  for  use  as  clothing  and 

1 "  Inst.  of  Soc.,"  Internal.  Mo.,  I,  p.  395. 

2  Schoolcraft,  "Hist  Ind.  Tribes,"  I,  207-208;  IV,  60. 
Margry,  VI,  444-445- 

Perrot,  pp.  60-64. 

3  Dodge,  "  The  Plains  of  the  Great  West,"  pp.  263-266. 


INTRODUCTION.  9 

tent  coverings.1  Besides  doing  this  work,  they  gathered  roots, 
and  in  some  cases  cultivated  a  little  maize.  Their  labor,  however, 
was  not  of  the  sort  that  either  requires  or  encourages  cooperation : 
hence  they  worked  individually.,  without  any  particular  organiza 
tion  among  themselves,  each  producing  as  the  servant  of  some 
member  of  the  men's  clan;  in  short,  an  organized  band  of  men 
formed  the  typical  production  group  of  the  Plains  tribes.  It  con 
trolled  the  access  to  the  source  of  supply,  and  directed  the  labor 
of  the  women.  Though  the  consumption  group  was  still  the 
family,  the  unit  of  distribution  was  the  clan.  In  the  latter,  each 
member  received  a  share  of  the  animals  killed  in  the  hunt,  the 
actual  slayers  receiving  some  special  portion  as  a  mark  of  their 
prowess.2 

The  sociological  effects  of  the  republican  clan  economy  are 
evident,  in  the  first  place,  in  the  family.  Paternal  authority  was 
supreme  in  the  lodge.  Wife  and  children  belonged  absolutely  to 
the  husband  and  father,  and  all  purely  family  affairs  were  regu 
lated  by  him,  without  reference  to  any  outside  organization.3 
Men  who  could  procure  several  wives  did  so,  since  they  were  use 
ful  as  laborers  and  child-bearers.  Sons  were  valued  as  adding  to 
the  wealth  of  the  family  while  they  remained  unmarried,  and  as 
always  increasing  the  influence  of  the  father.  Daughters,  on  the 
other  hand,  were  regarded  merely  as  articles  to  be  sold  to  the 
highest  bidder.  In  all  this,  conditions  did  not  differ  greatly  from 
those  prevalent  in  the  domestic  and  village  economies. 

Politically,  however,  there  arose  a  new  state  of  affairs.  The 
state  was  now  identical  with  the  male  clan — the  latter  controlling 
the  sources  of  the  surplus,  and  so  possessing  sovereign  power  in 
political  life.  To  the  women  belonged  no  shadow  of  sovereignty. 
Speaking  of  the  Comanches,  Schoolcraft  says,  "  Females  have  no 
voice  or  even  influence  in  their  councils/'  *  and  are  "  held  in  small 

1  Schoolcraft,  "  Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  I,  236 ;  II,  132. 

2  Schoolcraft,  "  Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  II,  185. 

3  Schoolcraft,  "  Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  II,  131-132 — "  A  husband  exercises 
unbounded  authority  over  the  person  of  his  wife." 

Bancroft,  I,  509 — "  Every  father  holds  undisputed  sway  over  his  chil 
dren." 

4  Schoolcraft,  "  Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  II,  131. 


IO  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

estimation."  !  Hence,  from  the  women's  point  of  view,  the  gov 
ernment  was  an  absolute  despotism.  Within  the  clan,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  purest  republicanism  prevailed,  all  good  hunters 
and  warriors  having  an  equal  share  in  the  management  of  affairs. 2 
The  chieftanship  was  given  to  the  ablest  and  most  experienced 
hunter,  especially  if  he  had  a  large  number  of  blood  relations  to 
support  his  claims.  He  exercised  governmental  powers,  however, 
only  as  the  representative  of  the  sovereign  body  of  hunters  and 
warriors,  and  with  their  advice  and  consent.  All  decisions  of 
importance  were  made  by  the  clan  council,  the  voice  of  the 
majority  prevailing. 

In  the  Desert-Oasis  environment,  south  of  the  Colorado  River 
the  clan  principle  manifested  itself  in  a  still  more  developed  form. 
The  inhabitants  of  this  region  depended  for  subsistence  mainly 
upon  maize  culture.  In  this  industry  women  were  the  pioneers. 
Hence  in  the  course  of  time  they  formed  a  productive  association 
of  their  own  which,  in  certain  circumstances,  came  to  compete 
with  the  men's  hunting  and  war  clan,  and  gained  the  first  place  in 
the  economic  life  of  the  community.  Eventually,  when  conditions 
required,  as  among  the  Pueblo  Indians,  the  men  also  took  up 
agriculture ;  and  the  two  clans  united  in  one  body.  This  com 
munal  clan,  composed  of  both  men  and  women,  was  the  form  of 
organization  characteristic  of  the  primitive  agricultural  settle 
ments  of  the  southwest.  The  distribution  group  was  now  the 
communal  clan,  though  the  family  still  continued  to  be  the  unit 
of  consumption.  The  family,  however,  showed  the  effect  of 
economic  antecedents  in  the  reduced  authority  of  the  father  and 
the  correspondingly  increased  influence  of  the  mother.  The  wife 
rather  than  the  husband  was  now  regarded  as  the  head  of  the 
family.  The  state,  too,  showed  the  influence  of  the  changed 
methods  of  production.  Sovereignty  resided  in  the  body  of  co 
operating  producers  that  controlled  the  sources  of  the  surplus  ;  i.  e. 
in  the  communal  clan.  Women  became  sharers  in  the  possession 
of  sovereign  power.  Government  was  carried  on  by  purely 

1  Schoolcraft,  "  Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  I,  235. 
2 Ibid.,  V,  687;  II,  130. 


INTRODUCTION.  1 1 

democratic  methods,  all  having  a  voice  in  the  management  of 
affairs.  Age  and  experience  and  consequent  knowledge  of  cli 
matic  conditions  affecting  agricultural  operations  were  the  quali 
fications  sought  for  in  those  who  were  chosen  governors  of  the 
community. 

The  Plains  and  the  Oases  of  the  Desert  presented,  perhaps,  the 
clearest  examples  of  each  form  of  clan  economy  when  isolated 
and  complete  in  its  development.  The  Eastern  Forest  environ 
ment,  however,  affords  the  student  the  best  opportunity  to  observe 
the  slow  growth  of  the  cooperative  principle.  Within  its  limits, 
from  north  to  south,  were  economies  in  every  stage  of  develop 
ment.  In  the  cold  and  thickly  wooded  section  about  the  St.  Law 
rence  River,  where  the  food  supply  was  comparatively  scarce  and 
irregular,  the  domestic  economy  prevailed  for  the  greater  part  of 
the  year.  Congregation  occurred  in  spots  where  food  was  tem 
porarily  abundant,  but  when  the  season  was  over  each  family 
wandered  off  by  itself,  to  carry  on  its  food-quest  as  best  it  might. 
The  Quebec  Indians,  for  instance,  were  "  wanderers  .  .  .  during 
the  six  winter  months — roving  here  and  there  according  as  they 
might  find  game,  two  or  three  families  erecting  their  cabins  to 
gether  in  one  place,  two  or  three  in  another,  and  so  on."1  In 
times  of  famine,  "  they  play,  so  to  speak,  at  '  save  himself  who 
can ' — deserting  each  other  and  abandoning  all  interest  in  the 
common  welfare,  each  one  strives  to  find  something  for  himself. 
Then  the  children,  women,  and  for  that  matter  all  those  who  can 
not  hunt,  die  of  cold  and  hunger."2  Thus  in  times  of  compara 
tive  plenty  the  village  system  might  appear  for  a  season,  while 
in  times  of  great  scarcity  the  food-quest  became  a  purely  indi 
vidual  matter.  In  general,  however,  the  economy  characteristic 
of  the  northern  portion  of  the  Eastern  Forest  environment  was 
domestic.  In  the  warmer  climate  and  more  favorable  condi 
tions  of  the  central  portion,  the  principles  of  association  and 
cooperation  began  to  operate.  Here  two  clans — the  men's  and 

'Jes.  Rel.  IV,  203.  Cf.  "La  Potherie,"  I,  118  sq.;  "Le  Clercq,"  67  sq. 
"Lettres  Edifiantes,"  X,  315  sq.  Jes.  Rel.  II,  77;  LXII,  221;  XXXIII, 
153- 

2  Jes.  Rel.  VII,  49. 


12  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROOUOIS. 

the  women's,  the  one  a  warring  and  hunting,  and  the  other  an 
agricultural  organization — existed  side  by  side  in  the  same  com 
munity.  Finally,  in  the  warm  districts  of  the  far  South,  there 
was  developed  the  regular  communal  clan  economy,  typical  of 
the  primitive  agricultural  community.  Among  the  Ayennis,  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  River,  says  Charlevoix,  "  when  the 
season  for  cultivation  arrives,  there  assemble  sometimes  as  many 
as  a  hundred  persons,  the  men  and  the  women  separately.  They 
work  thus  until  they  have  cultivated  a  certain  portion  of  ground, 
the  owner  of  which  subsequently  feasts  the  workers.  .  .  .  The 
next  day  they  begin  again,  and  this  goes  on  until  all  the  fields 
are  worked  over."1  Among  the  Natchez,  progress  had  gone  so 
far  that  the  men  of  the  community  really  did  most  of  the  work. 
A  desirable  husband,  according  to  the  Jesuit  Relation,  had  to  be 
"  a  skilful  hunter,  a  good  warrior,  and  an  excellent  field-worker."2 

1  Charlevoix,  II,  15-16. 

2Jes.  Rel.   LXVIII,   141.     Cf.   Carr,  "Mounds,"  Sm.   Inst.   Rep.,   1891, 
pp.  524  note,  527,  530. 
Lafitau,  II,  80;  "Lettres  Edifiantes,"  XX,  118-119. 


PART  I. 

CHAPTER    I. 
THE  ENVIRONMENT  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

The  Iroquois  tribes  inhabited  the  central  portion  of  the  eastern 
forest  region  of  North  America.  Here,  in  an  environment  transi 
tional  between  that  of  the  upper  and  that  of  the  lower  sections 
of  the  area  in  question,  they  developed  a  culture  which  is  like 
wise  to  be  regarded  as  a  connecting  link  between  those  which 
prevailed  to  the  north  and  to  the  south  of  them.  Iroquois  civiliza 
tion  stood  midway  between  the  lowest  and  the  highest  stage  of 
the  natural  state.  An  analysis  of  the  life  of  these  tribes,  there 
fore,  affords  an  admirable  demonstration  of  the  laws  according 
to  which  society  was  first  developed. 

Though  the  history  of  the  Iroquois  before  the  coming  of  the 
Europeans  is  mainly  a  matter  of  tradition  and  conjecture,  yet  the 
present  consensus  of  opinion  is  somewhat  as  follows.1  The  val 
leys  drained  by  the  Columbia  River  and  the  streams  flowing  into  V ; 
Puget  Sound  were  probably  the  early  home  of  the  Iroquois. 
Here,  not  less  than  ten  centuries  ago,  they  lived  as  a  fish-eating  V^  ? 
people,  ignorant  of  agriculture  and  organized  only  to  the  extent 
generally  characteristic  of  the  village  economy  of  the  northwest 
coast.  Migrating  from  this  region,  they  finally  reached  the  Mis 
sissippi  Valley,  where  they  learned  agriculture.  Here  the  Chero- 
kees  broke  off  from  the  main  stem  and  turned  southwards.  The 
other  tribes,  including  the  ancestors  of  the  Hurons,  Eries,  and 
Neutrals,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Five  Nations,  remained  together 
for  a  longer  period,  settled  probably  in  the  Ohio  Valley.2  From 

1  Morgan,  "League"   (ed.  1901),  Appendix  B. 
Thwaites,  Jes.  Rel.  VIII,  293. 

2  Mr.   Morgan's  theory  that  the  first  sedentary  home  of  the   Iroquois 
was  in  the  vicinity  of  Montreal,  is  altogether  improbable.     At  any  rate, 

13 


14  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROOUOIS. 

here,  the  different  tribes  of  the  Iroquois  stock  scattered  to  their 
historic  locations  in  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  New  York  and  Can 
ada.  At  the  time  of  their  first  acquaintance  with  the  Europeans, 
the  Iroquois  and  Hurons  had  long  been  settled  in  their  respective 
homes.  The  country  of  the  Iroquois  in  the  seventeenth  century 
lay  south  of  Lake  Ontario  between  the  Hudson  River  and  Lake 
Erie.  In  the  center  of  this  tract,  occupying  the  Onondaga  River 
valley  and  the  adjacent  hills,  was  the  tribe  of  the  Onondagas. 
On  their  right  hand,  around  and  near  Oneida  Lake,  were  the 
principal  villages  of  the  Oneidas.  On  their  left,  along  the  east 
shore  of  Cayuga  Lake  and  the  ridge  to  the  eastward,  the  Cayugas 
were  settled.  The  western  frontier,  as  far  as  the  Genesee  River, 
was  occupied  by  the  Senecas,  while  the  eastern  boundaries  were 
defended  by  the  Mohawks,  who  lived  in  the  valley  of  the  river 
bearing  their  name. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  geographic  unity,  the  location  finally 
chosen  by  the  Iroquois  was  well  adapted  to  be  the  permanent 
habitat  of  tribes  already  connected  by  ties  of  kinship  and  associa 
tion.  The  region  was  enclosed  on  the  north  and  west  by  the  St. 
Lawrence  River  and  by  Lakes  Ontario  and  Erie,  while  on  the 
east  it  was  shut  in  by  the  Appalachian  mountain  ranges.  Within 
these  boundaries  there  were  no  bars  to  communication  or  differ 
ences  in  environment.  Hence  the  tribes  living  in  the  region  would 
naturally  tend  to  develop  along  similar  lines,  and  become  more 
closely  united  among  themselves.  Although  the  Iroquois  were 
protected  by  mountain  and  lake  barriers  from  outside  attack, 
nevertheless  they  were  not  entirely  imprisoned.  Situated  on  the 
highest  part  of  the  region  east  of  the  Mississippi,  they  had  the 
best  possible  highways  leading  into  the  outer  world  in  the  great 

he  is  undoubtedly  mistaken  in  his  idea,  based  upon  some  vague  tradition, 
that  the  Iroquois  learned  agriculture  from  the  Adirondacks.  The  Valley 
of  the  St.  Lawrence,  where  maize  crops  often  failed,  was  not  an  environ 
ment  where  agriculture  was  likely  to  be  adopted  by  a  people  hitherto 
ignorant  of  it.  Furthermore,  even  though  it  might  have  been  here  that 
they  first  learned  to  cultivate  maize,  it  is  absurd  to  suppose  that  the  Adi 
rondacks  were  their  teachers,  since  the  latter  were  nomad  hunters  who 
knew  nothing  about  agriculture.  Cf.  Lloyd  in  Morgan's  League.  Ed. 
1901,  Appendix  B. 


ENVIRONMENT   OF  THE   IROQUOIS.  15 

rivers  whose  headwaters  find  their  sources  here.  These  were 
routes  whose  swift  currents  made  an  easy  exit  for  Iroquois  war 
riors  and  a  difficult  approach  for  hostile  bands.  In  short,  says 
Mr.  Morgan,  the  Iroquois,  "  situated  upon  the  head  waters  of  the 
Hudson,  the  Delaware,  the  Susquehanna,  the  Ohio,  and  the  St. 
Lawrence  rivers — flowing  in  every  direction  to  the  sea — held 
within  their  jurisdiction  the  gates  of  the  country,  and  could 
through  them  descend  at  will  upon  any  point."1 

The  Iroquois  territory  itself  was,  in  general,  hilly  and  covered  • 
with  forests  of  hemlock,  maple,  pine,  oak,  and  other  trees  char 
acteristic  of  the  temperate  zone.  Among  the  hills,  however,  were 
many  fertile  valleys,  and  here  and  there  were  open  tracts  of 
alluvial  land, — all  favorable  to  such  agriculture  as  the  inhabitants 
knew  how  to  carry  on.  Onondaga,  for  example,  was  a  hilly  dis 
trict,  but,  says  one  of  the  early  travellers,  "  there  is  a  small  valley, 
which  is  very  fertile,  and  yields  almost  incredible  crops  of  corn, 
which  is  plentiful  about  here."2  One  of  the  Jesuits,  writing  to 
his  superior  from  his  station  among  the  Cayugas,  says,  "  Goio- 
gouen  is  the  fairest  country  that  I  have  seen  in  America.  ...  It  is 
a  tract  situated  between  two  lakes  and  not  exceeding  four  leagues 
in  width,  consisting  of  almost  uninterrupted  plains,  the  woods 
bordering  which  are  extremely  beautiful."3  In  the  Seneca  coun 
try,  there  were  several  such  open  tracts,  formed  by  a  recession  of 
the  hills  from  the  bed  of  the  Genesee  River.  In  one  place  "  the 
alluvial  flats  through  which  the  river  meanders  for  four  or  five 
miles  above,  and  as  many  miles  below,  are  from  one  to  two  miles  V 
wide  .  .  .  level  .  .  .  and  jertile.  .  .  .  These  flats  are  encompassed  on 
each  side  by  a  rolling  country,  gradually  rising  as  it  recedes  from 
the  river.  .  .  .  This  was  the  terrestrial  paradise  of  the  Senecas."4 

So  far  as  its  water  supply  was  concerned,  the  Iroquois  country  > 
was   extremely   well   off.      It   was    intersected   by   innumerable 
streams  and  dotted  with  lakes  ranging  in  size  from  small  ponds 
to  large  sheets  of  water  several  miles  in  extent.     Of  the  larger 

1  Morgan,  "League"  (ed.  1901),  I,  38. 

2  Schoolcraft,  "  Hist  Ind.  Tribes,"  IV,  340. 

3  Jes.  Rel.  LVI,  49. 

4 "Life  of  Mary  Jemison,"  pp.  85  sq. 


1 6  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

lakes,  there  were  about  a  half  dozen  distributed  throughout  the 
different  cantons  of  the  Five  Nations.  In  the  middle  of  the 
Seneca  country  was  Canandaigua  Lake,  and  east  of  it  was  Seneca 
Lake;  the  Cayuga  territory  contained  Cayuga  Lake,  a  sheet  of 
water  twenty-eight  miles  long  and  from  two  to  four  miles  wide ; 
the  Onondagas  owned  Skaneateles  Lake;  the  Oneidas  controlled 
the  lake  named  after  them ;  and  the  Mohawk  country  rejoiced  in 
numberless  lakes,  including  Lake  Champlain  and  Lake  George  on 
its  eastern  borders.  Throughout  the  whole  country,  springs  were 
frequent;  and  the  variety  in  the  kinds  of  waters  they  gave  was 
great,  ranging  from  the  clearest  drinking  water  to  the  salt  springs 
and  the  mineral  springs  for  which  the  region  is  now  famous.  All 
these  bodies  of  water — streams,  lakes  and  springs — formed  centers 
of  animal  and  vegetable  life,  while  as  routes  for  internal  travel 
the  rivers  and  lakes  were  invaluable. 

/  Climatic  conditions  were,  also,  not  unpropitious.  In  this  region 
there  was  a  regular  succession  of  seasons — spring  and  summer, 
autumn  and  winter.  The  summer  was  long  and  warm  enough 
to  have  encouraged  aboriginal  maize-culture,  while  the  winters 
were  not  so  severe  as  in  the  region  north  of  the  Great  Lakes. 
The  rainfall  was  abundant,  and  the  soil,  especially  on  the  river- 
flats  and  in  other  open  or  cleared  spots,  was  by  nature  extremely 
fertile. 

The  environment  of  the  Iroquois  was,  therefore,  comparatively 
rich  in  potential  utilities.  Animal  and  vegetable  food  products 
were  abundant.  Moose  and  deer,  bear  and  beaver,  and  many 
other  smaller  animals  furnished  a  plentiful  supply  of  meat,  while 
the  stock  of  fish  was  practically  inexhaustible.  In  1655,  we  hear 
of  the  Salmon  River,  northeast  of  Oswego ; — "  such  is  the  rich 
ness  of  this  stream  that  it  yields  at  all  seasons  various  kinds  of 
fish.  In  the  spring,  as  soon  as  the  snows  melt,  it  is  full  of  gold- 
colored  fish ;  next  come  carp,  and  finally  the  achigen  (black  bass). 
.  .  .  Then  comes  the  brill,  and  at  the  end  of  May  .  .  .  sturgeon 
are  killed  ....  All  the  rest  of  the  year  until  winter,  salmon 
furnishes  food  .  .  . ." *  At  Onondaga  Lake,  says  a  Jesuit  mis- 

'Jes.  Rel.  XLII,  71;  Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  XLIII,  261. 


ENVIRONMENT   OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  1 7 

sionary,  "  besides  the  fish  caught  at  different  seasons,  eels  are  so 
abundant  in  the  summer  that  a  man  can  harpoon  as  many  as  one 
thousand  in  one  night."1  Multitudinous  also  were  the  birds  that 
in  spring  flocked  to  the  lakes  and  ponds  of  the  Iroquois  country. 
Nearly  all  of  them  were  more  or  less  suitable  for  food.  Among 
them  were  cranes,  pelicans,  wild  swans,  ducks,  geese  and  turkeys, 
pigeons,  turtle  doves,  gulls,  and  loons.  Near  Seneca  Lake,  for 
instance,  swans  and  bustards  were  abundant  all  through  the 
winter,  while  in  spring  clouds  of  all  sorts  of  wild  fowl  arrived 
from  the  South.  "  As  to  Onondaga  Lake,"  says  the  Jesuit 
chronicler,  "  turtle  doves  from  all  the  country  around  flock 
thither  toward  spring,  in  so  great  numbers  that  they  are  caught 
in  nets."2 

A  glance  at  the  vegetable  life  of  the  Iroquois  territory  shows  a 
correspondingly  plentiful  food-supply.  The  cultivated  plants — 
maize,  beans,  squashes  and  melons — the  Iroquois  had  brought 
with  them  from  the  Mississippi  Valley.  To  these  bases  of  sub 
sistence,  the  nuts,  roots,  and  fruits  indigenous  to  the  region 
formed  a  welcome  adjunct.  Nut-bearing  trees — the  hickory,  pig 
nut,  butternut,  chestnut,  walnut  and  oak — were  numerous.  The 
sugar  maple  also  supplied  an  important  article  of  food  in  the 
syrup  which  was  made  from  its  sap.  Edible  and  medicinal  roots 
were  also  abundant.  Among  the  fruit  and  berry  products  were 
wild  raspberries,  whortle-berries,  strawberries,  and  cranberries. 
Wild  grapes,  sweet  enough  to  be  agreeable  to  the  taste,  grew  in 
spots,  where  forest  fires  had  occurred.  The  may-apple,  the  crab- 
apple,  the  paw-paw,  and  other  wild  fruits  completed  the  list.3 

In  fine,  the  food  utilities  of  the  Iroquois  country  were  numerous 
and  valuable.  Wild  animals,  especially  deer,  were  plentiful,  as 
•were  also  many  varieties  of  fish  and  birds.  Cultivated  plants, 
such  as  maize,  beans  and  squashes  flourished ;  and  of  nuts,  fruits 
and  roots,  there  was  no  scarcity. 

Products  available  as  raw  materials  were  no  less  abundant  than 
those  useful  as  food.  The  skin  of  the  deer,  the  bear,  and  the 

1  Jes.  Rel.  XLII,  95- 

2  Jes.  Rel.  XLII,  95. 

3  Loskiel,  pp.  68  sq.    Jes.  Rel.  XLIII,  257;  XXVIII,  in. 

2 


1 8  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROOUOIS. 

beaver,  as  well  as  those  of  smaller  animals,  provided  all  needed 
articles  of  clothing  and  most  of  the  other  coverings  used  by  the 
Iroquois,  while  bones  and  sinews  furnished  material  for  various 
implements.  Shells  of  mollusks  formed  a  source  of  supply  for 
tools  and  utensils.  The  Iroquois  were  also  able  to  draw  to  a 
great  extent  upon  the  vegetable  world  for  raw  materials.  The 
wood  and  bark  of  the  forest  trees  offered  a  suitable  and  con 
venient  supply  of  material  for  their  dwellings,  and  for  many  of 
their  implements  and  utensils ;  thus,  ash,  elm,  fir,  spruce,  and 
cedar  bark  were  all  available  as  coverings  for  the  wooden  frames 
of  their  houses ;  the  wood  of  the  white  ash  covered  with  the  bark 
of  the  red  elm  made  good  canoes  ;x  and  hickory  wood  was  a  useful 
material  in  the  manufacture  of  snow  shoes.  From  the  vegetable 
kingdom  came  also  several  products  employed  in  the  textile  in 
dustry  of  the  aborigines.  Wild  vines  furnished  ready-made  ropes 
and  cables.  The  fiber  from  the  inner  bark  of  the  slippery  elm 
and  other  trees,  and  also  of  the  Dirca  palustris  or  moosewood,  a 
little  shrub  growing  on  the  hillsides,  offered  a  good  material  for 
the  manufacture  of  cords  and  coarse  threads.  The  wild  hemp 
plant  (Apocynum  cannabinum)  was  useful  for  the  same  purpose. 
Among  the  products  of  value  in  the  manufacture  of  textiles  were 
the  reeds  and  cornhusks  of  which  mats  and  other  articles  could 
be  woven.  Finally,  there  were  several  plants  whose  juices  were 
useful  as  dyes. 

The  mineral  resources  of  their  environment  contained  but  few 
utilities  for  the  Iroquois.  Because  of  his  ignorance  of  the  art 
of  smelting,  copper,  which  could  be  hammered  out  cold,  was 
about  the  only  metal  of  use  to  the  American  Indian ;  of  this, 
there  was  very  little  to  be  found  in  New  York,  while  access  to 
the  Lake  Superior  mines  was  cut  off  by  intervening  hostile  tribes  ; 
hence,  before  the  coming  of  the  Europeans,  the  Iroquois  had  no 
metal  instruments.2  Stone  and  clay  suitable  for  pottery  existed 
in  considerable  quantities  in  their  country.  The  clay  they  utilized 
in  the  manufacture  of  their  earthenware  vessels,  and  of  the  local 

1  Not  as  good  as  the  birch  bark  of  the  Northern  Forest,  however. 
2Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  55.    "Metallic  Instruments  of 
the  N.  Y.  Indians." 


ENVIRONMENT   OF  THE   IROQUOIS.  19 

horn-stone  they  made  a  few  of  their  ruder  articles.  In  general, 
however,  they  used  stone  much  less  than  wood.  The  reasons  are 
not  difficult  to  conjecture.  In  the  first  place,  since  they  had  no 
metal  instruments,  they  would  naturally  prefer  to  utilize  the  softer 
and  more  easily  worked  material ;  in  the  second  place,  supplies  of 
wood  were  undoubtedly  more  accessible  than  stone  would  be  for 
a  relatively  sedentary,  semi-agricultural  people  like  the  Iroquois. 
Available  stone  would  be  hard  to  find,  especially  since  the  village 
would  naturally  avoid  a  stony  site.  On  the  other  hand,  land  had 
to  be  cleared  and  wood  cut  in  order  to  prepare  the  maize  fields 
and  procure  fuel.  Hence,  the  material  for  the  manufacture  of 
wooden  articles  was  provided  without  extra  trouble.  Everything 
considered,  it  is  not  hard  to  understand  why  the  Iroquois  utilized 
wood  as  a  raw  material,  rather  than  stone. 

To  sum  up ; — the  home-country  of  the  Iroquois  may  be  de 
scribed  as  a  forest  region,  stocked  with  an  abundant  supply  of 
wild  animals,  fish,  nuts,  fruits,  and  roots ;  at  the  same  time,  it 
was  a  country  of  temperate  climate,  well-watered  and  fertile,  with 
many  open  spaces  suitable  for  maize-culture ;  hence  it  was  an 
environment  favorable  to  the  development  of  a  hunting  and  fish 
ing  and  semi-agricultural  life. 

Similar  features  marked  the  environment  of  the  cognate  tribe 
of  the  Hurons.  Their  territory,  the  peninsula  between  Lake 
Huron  and  Lakes  Erie  and  Ontario,  was  somewhat  more  open 
and  suitable  for  agriculture  than  that  of  the  Iroquois,  and  al 
though  the  supply  of  game  was  scantier ;  yet,  on  the  other  hand, 
there  was  even  a  greater  abundance  of  fish  than  among  the  Iro 
quois.  Hence  the  Hurons  would  naturally  devote  themselves 
somewhat  more  to  maize-culture  and  fishing,  and  less  to  hunting, 
than  was  the  case  among  the  Iroquois.  In  spite  of  such  minor 
differences,  however,  the  general  similiarity  between  the  previous 
history  and  the  final  environment  of  both  Hurons  and  Iroquois 
justifies  us  in  regarding  them  as  essentially  one  people.1 

ajcs.  Rel.  VIII,  115;  XV,  153;  X,  103;  LIV,  151;  XIII,  n.  17,  p.  255. 


CHAPTER   II. 
THE  PRODUCTIVE  ACTIVITIES  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

The  main  productive  activities  of  the  Iroquois  were  nut  and 
fruit  gathering,  root  grubbing,  trapping,  hunting,  fishing,  and 
agriculture.  From  the  earliest  days  of  their  life  in  the  Far  West, 
they  had  depended  upon  fish  and  game,  and  upon  the  nuts  and 
fruits  to  be  found  in  their  environment ;  with  maize  they  became 
acquainted  in  their  journey  across  the  continent;  and  in  the 
favorable  environment  of  the  Eastern  Forest,  they  gained  support 
from  all  these  sources. 

The  food  supply  upon  which  primitive  domestic  economists 
chiefly  depend  was  not  neglected  by  the  Iroquois.  Root-grub 
bing  and  nut  and  fruit  gathering  were  a  regular  part  of  their 
yearly  labor.  The  Senecas,  for  instance,  depended  to  a  con 
siderable  extent  upon  the  nut  crop.  In  1669,  writes  one  of  the 
Jesuit  fathers,  an  abundant  harvest  caused  so  great  joy  among 
them  that  "  one  sees  everywhere  only  games,  dances,  and  feasts." 1 
Maple  sugar  making,  also,  was  an  important  annual  event,  cele 
brated  with  feasting.2 

These  lines  of  production,  however,  were  distinctly  subsidiary 
to  the  serious  business  of  hunting  and  trapping,  inasmuch  as  the 
Iroquois,  for  a  great  part  of  their  subsistence,  depended  upon  the 
useful  animals  and  birds  of  their  immediate  environment,  and 
even  far  outside  of  their  own  boundaries.  The  chief  animals  of 
the  chase  were  the  deer  and  the  bear;  wild  fowl  and  several 
varieties  of  small  game,  such  as  otters,  martens,  hares,  and 
squirrels,  were  also  hunted.  The  value  of  the  beaver  to  the 
Iroquois  hunter  dates  largely  from  the  time  of  the  coming  of  the 
Europeans  and  the  beginning  of  the  fur-trade ;  before  that  time, 

'Jes.  Rel.  LIV,  97;  cf.  La  Potherie,  III,  20;  Jes.  Rel.  LII,  23. 
"Morgan,  "League"  (ed.  1901),  II,  251;  Lafitau,  III,  140. 

20 


PRODUCTIVE   ACTIVITIES   OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  21 

the  beaver  was  not  so  highly  appreciated.1  The  hunting  season 
was  confined  mainly  to  the  winter  months.  During  the  rest  of 
the  year  only  desultory  trapping  was  done.  The  fall  and  spring s 
were  the  seasons  for  the  capture  of  wild  fowl ;  from  January  to 
May,  during  the  hibernating  period,  was  the  best  time  for  hunt-  * 
ing  bears;  while  the  deer  and  beaver  hunt  was  mainly  an  affair 
of  the  first  four  months  of  winter.2  From  October  until  Jan-" 
uary,  parties  small  and  large  scattered  in  all  directions  in  search 
of  the  desired  game.  Seneca  expeditions  went  to  Niagara  for 
the  beaver  hunt,  or  southward  to  the  Chemung  River  for  deer 
and  other  game.  They  also  penetrated  by  way  of  the  Alleghany 
into  Ohio,  a  favorite  hunting  ground  of  all  the  Iroquois.  The 
Cayugas  found  a  wealth  of  game  in  the  valley  of  the  Susque- 
hanna,  in  fact,  all  over  Pennsylvania.  They,  with  bands  from  the 
other  Iroquois  tribes,  often  roamed  as  far  south  as  the  Potomac 
in  search  of  deer  and  bear.  Onondaga  parties  also  frequented 
the  Susquehanna  region,  descending  thither  by  way  of  the  Che 
mung  River.  Other  bands,  turning  northward,  went  into  Can 
ada.  The  Oneidas  descended  the  Unadilla,  or  went  north  into 
the  region  watered  by  the  Black  River.  The  Mohawks  hunted 
in  the  Adirondacks,  or  near  the  head  waters  of  the  Delaware  and 
Susquehanna.3  About  midwinter,  all  these  scattered  groups  came 
back  to  their  homes,  bringing  with  them  the  supplies  of  meat  left 
over  from  the  winter's  consumption.  After  this  there  was  little 
regular  work  until  with  the  spring  came  the  beginning  of  the 
fishing  season. 

As  hunting  was  a  winter  occupation,  so  fishing  formed  one  of 
the  main  activities  of  the  summer  months.  From  the  middle  of 
March  until  the  beginning  of  winter  and  the  deer-hunting  season, 
fishing  of  one  kind  or  another  was  always  going  on.  The  varie 
ties  of  fish  taken  were  many,  ranging  from  the  fresh  water  clam4 
up  to  sturgeon  large  enough  to  be  killed  with  a  hatchet.  The 
salmon  and  eel  fisheries  were  the  most  productive.  The  former 

1  Beauchamp,  "  Iroquois  Trail,"  p.  91. 

2Loskiel,  p.  80. 

'Morgan,  "League,"  346. 

4  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  41,  p.  462. 


22  ECONOMICS   OF   THE  IROQUOIS. 

furnished  food  to  the  village  of  Onondaga  throughout  the  sum 
mer.  Eels,  too,  were  caught  during  the  whole  season.  Fishing 
was  even  more  extensively  carried  on  by  the  Hurons  than  by  the 
Five  Nations,  the  former  doing  more  or  less  of  it  all  through  the 
year.1 

Besides  hunting  and  fishing,  the  Iroquois  carried  on  another 
and  more  developed  form  of  activity,  namely,  agriculture. 
Forest  hunting,  as  a  rule,  demanded  little  other  exertion  than 
that  immediately  expended  in  the  pursuit  and  slaughter  of  the 
game;  agriculture,  on  the  other  hand,  involved  a  much  longer 
and  more  complicated  series  of  operations.  The  maize  upon 
which  the  Iroquois  largely  depended  was,  on  account  of  the 
great  size  of  the  plant  and  of  its  grain,  as  well  as  its  large  returns, 
the  most  suitable  of  all  cereals  for  cultivation  by  slightly  advanced 
peoples;2  nevertheless,  the  labor  necessitated  by  maize  culture 
called  for  a  greater  amount  of  patience  and  forethought,  and 
meant  a  higher  degree  of  economic  development,  than  was  pos 
sible  among  a  people  depending  for  subsistence  solely  upon  forest 
hunting  and  fishing.  The  production  of  one  crop  of  maize  in 
volved  four  principal  stages  of  procedure, — clearing  the  ground, 
planting,  cultivating,  and  harvesting.  From  beginning  to  end, 
the  process  was  the  work  of  a.  whole  summer.  Perhaps,  if  the 
task  of  clearing  were  especially  difficult,  the  first  crop  taken  from 
a  field  might  be  the  product  of  several  years'  labor.  In  the  open 
places  along  the  streams  the  question  of  clearing  did  not  have  to 
be  taken  into  account.3  These  sites  were  consequently  much 
sought  after.  But  the  necessity  of  choosing  a  place  compara 
tively  easy  to  defend  against  hostile  attacks,  and  other  reasons, 
often  compelled  the  selection  of  a  heavily  wooded  spot  as  the  site 
for  a  village.  In  such  a  case,  the  deforesting  of  land  for  corn 
fields  was  sometimes  a  matter  of  years.4  Furthermore,  the  ex- 

1  Jes.  Rel.  XLIII,  261;  XLII,  73;  XXXIX,  215;  LIV,  151. 

2  Payne,  "  History  of  America,"  I,  354  sq. 

3  Ga-o-sai-gao,  for  instance,  an  important  Seneca  Village,  was  situated 
in  the  middle  of  an  opening  of  about  2,000  acres,  on  Honeoye   Creek. 
Morgan,  "League"   (ed.  1901),  II,  210;  cf.  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus. 
Bui.,  No.  32,  p.  29. 

*Lafitau,  II,  109;  Greenhalgh,  Doc.  Hist  N.  Y.,  I,  12. 


PRODUCTIVE   ACTIVITIES   OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  23 

tensive  agricultural  methods  of  the  Iroquois  and  the  consequent 
frequent  migrations  of  the  village  necessitated  the  repetition  of 
the  task  of  clearing  about  every  ten  or  twelve  years.1  The  ground 
once  cleared,  the  planting  followed.  Maize,  beans,  pumpkins, 
and  melons  were  the  chief  crops.  The  first  two  were  sown  in 
the  same  field,  the  stalks  of  the  maize  serving  as  supports  for  the 
bean  vines.  Pumpkins  and  melons  were  cultivated  in  gardens 
by  themselves.  Sunflowers  and  tobacco  were  also  grown  to  a 
limited  extent.  Throughout  the  summer,  careful  cultivation  of 
these  crops  was  kept  up  until  finally,  amid  rejoicing  and  festivity, 
the  harvest  was  gathered  in  and  the  agricultural  labors  of  the 
year  were  ended.  Maize  culture  involved  more  prolonged  and 
Systematic  effort  than  deer-hunting  could  possibly  demand;  con 
sequently,  maize-culture  developed  a  more  advanced  manner  of 
life  than  was  to  be  found  in  the  case  of  purely  hunting  tribes : 
hence,  among  a  people  like  the  Iroquois,  where  both  manners  of 
production  existed,  there  was  more  or  less  conflict  between  agri 
cultural  and  hunting  ideals.  Eventually  the  relative  importance 
of  the  two  as  a  means  of  assuring  the  economic  welfare  of  the 
community  decided  the  outcome  of  the  struggle. 

Wnile  there  is  no  doubt  that 'hunting  and  fishing  occupied  a 
position  subordinate  to  agriculture?m  the  Iroquois'  economic  sys 
tem,  it  would  certainly  be  a  mistake  to  imagine  that  the  former 
pursuits  were  of  slight  importance  in  the  life  of  these  tribes. 
Although  the  scarcity  of  game  in  the  Huron  territories  caused 
the.  Hurons  to  do  but  little  hunting, 2  the  activities  of  the  Iroquois 
in  this  direction  were  very  considerable.  Among  the  Oneidas 
hunting  was  so  productive  an  occupation  that,  according  to  the 
Jesuit  Relation,  "  the  fate  of  the  women  depends  upon  their  hus 
bands,  who  supply  them  with  food,  and  clothes."3  With  both 
the  Hurons  and  Iroquois,  fishing  formed  no  small  part  of  the 
year's  labor.  ^  At  certain  seasons  whole  communities  would  aban 
don  their  houses  and  go  fishing, /sometimes  remaining  away  for 

'Jes.  Rel.  XV,  153. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  XXXVIII,  245.— "The  Hurons  .  .  .  hunt  only  for  pleasure 
or  on  extraordinary  occasions." 
3Jes.  Rel.,  LVII,  123. 


24  ^         ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

weeks.  The  Jesuit  Relation  speaks  of  a  camp,  "  where  there 
were  about  four  hundred  savages  who  had  erected  their  cabins 
there  for  fishing."1  In  another  Relation,  an  instance  is  given 
where  "  the  scarcity  of  seasoning  for  giving  some  taste  to  the 
Turkish  wheat  boiled  in  water  obliges  a  large  part  of  the  vil 
lagers  to  go  in  quest  of  fish  at  a  place  ten  leagues  from  here."  2 
Evidently,  the  Iroquois  and  Hurons  depended  to  a  considerable  ex 
tent  for  subsistence  upon  the  products  of  their  hunting  and  fishing. 

Nevertheless,  it  seems  certain  that  for  the  greater  part  of  their 
food  supply  they  looked  to  their  maize  fields.  The  exact  extent 
of  this  dependence  as  over  against  that  placed  upon  hunting  and 
fishing,  differed  with  the  locality  in  which  each  group  found 
itself.  It  was  greater  among  the  Hurons  than  among  the  Iro 
quois,  and  among  the  Cayugas  than  the  Senecas — the  more  agri 
cultural  people  in  each  case  living  in  the  less  densely  forested 
environment.3 

In  general  we  may  conclude  that  maize  rather  than  meat, 
had  come,  in  the  course  of  time,  to  be  the  chief  basis  of  sub 
sistence  of  all  the  Iroquois  tribes.  The  comparatively  perma 
nent  nature  of  their  villages,  and  the  sites  chosen  for  them,  as 
well  as  the  amount  of  cultivated  land  around  or  near  them,  are 
sufficient  proof  of  the  statement.  The  village,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  not  moved  oftener  than  once  in  a  dozen  or  more  years,  and 
during  that  time  a  part  of  the  inhabitants  was  generally  to  be 
found  in  residence  there.  Others  might  go  on  the  periodical 
hunting  and  fishing  expeditions,  and  the  warriors  when  engaged 
in  some  distant  raid  might  be  absent  for  years  at  a  time ;  never- 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  XXVI,  41. 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  LIII,  243;  cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  XV,  113,  125;  XIX,  87;  LIV,  151; 
LII,  175 ;  LIV,  81. 

3  Hiawatha  at  the  formation  of  the  confederacy  says  in  addressing  the 
different  tribes: — "And  you    (the  Cayugas)   the  people  who  live  in  the 
open  country,  and  possess  much  wisdom,  shall  be  the  fifth  nation,  because 
you  understand  better  the  art  of  raising  corn  and  beans,  and  making 
houses."    But  to  the  Senecas  he  says,  "  You,  whose  dwelling  is  in  the 
dark  forest,  and  whose  home  is  everywhere,  shall  be  the  fourth  nation, 
because  of  your  superior  cunning  in  hunting."    Schoolcraft,  "Hist.  Ind. 
Tribes,"  III,  317. 


PRODUCTIVE   ACTIVITIES   OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  2 5 

theless,  all  regarded  the  home  village  as  their  permanent  head 
quarters,  and  returned  to  it  when  the  expedition  was  over.  Not 
only  the  permanence  of  the  settlements,  but  also  their  situation, 
is  evidence  of  the  agricultural  bent  of  their  inhabitants.  In 
choosing  a  site,  the  Iroquois  looked  primarily  for  a  spot  favor 
able  to  agriculture.  Naturally,  any  site  chosen  must  not  be 
too  much  exposed  to  attack  by  hostile  war  parties ;  but,  "  in 
any  event,  due  regard  was  had  to  the  soil.  .  .  .  fishing  and  hunt 
ing  advantages  determined  their  camps,  but  their  towns  had 
regard  to  the  culture  of  the  fields.  A  fertile  soil,  easily  worked, 
but  in  a  secure  situation,  was  one  of  the  first  requisites.  Of 
course  water  must  always  be  near."1  The  amount  of  land  cul 
tivated  relative  to  the  size  of  the  town  is,  again,  proof  that  the 
Iroquois  were  becoming  an  agricultural  rather  than  a  hunting 
people.  A  village  field  often  extended  over  an  area  of  several 
hundred  acres,  in  which  enough  corn  was  raised  in  one  season 
to  support  the  whole  population,  and  to  lay  aside  a  large  surplus. 
Greenhalgh  says  that  in  1677  Onondaga  had  cornfields  extending 
for  two  miles  on  each  side  of  the  town.  Besides  feeding  herself, 
she  had  enough  to  supply  her  neighbors,  the  Oneidas,  who  had 
moved  into  a  new  location  and  were  not  yet  able  to  prepare  all 
the  land  they  needed.2  Of  all  the  other  towns,  Greenhalgh's  in 
variable  assertion  is  that  "  they  have  abundance  of  Corne."  The 
extent  of  cultivation  may  be  estimated  from  the  great  quantities  of 
corn  destroyed  by  the  French  and  American  expeditions  against 
the  Iroquois.  The  former  in  1687  destroyed  four  Seneca  villages, 
and  consumed  nearly  a  week  in  cutting  down  the  adjacent  fields 
of  corn.  Even  then  the  Senecas  were  not  left  to  starve;  for  the 
other  Iroquois  nations  were  well  able  to  supply  them  from  their 
surplus.3  The  Hurons  were  even  more  agricultural  in  habit 

'Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  32,  p.  23. 

2  Greenhalgh,  Doc.  Hist  N.  Y.,  I,  12. — "  Onondaga  is  situate  upon  a 
hill  that  is  very  large,  the  banke  on  each  side  extending  itself  at  least 
two  miles,  all  cleared  land,  whereon  the  corne  is  planted.  .  .  .  They  plant 
abundance  of  corne,  which  they  sell  to  the  Onyades.  The  Onondagas  are 
said  to  be  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  fighting  men." 

3Carr,  "Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst  Rep.,  1891,  pp.  513  sq. 


26  ECONOMICS   OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

than  the  Iroquois.  The  former  cultivated  corn  in  such  quantities 
that  they  were  able  to  store  up  a  surplus  large  enough  to  support 
them  for  three  or  four  years,  and  to  exchange  for  skins  with  the 
wild  hunting  tribes  of  the  north.  Corn  was,  in  fact,  "  the  chief 
of  their  riches/'1 

From  the  standpoint  of  their  productive  activities,  then,  the 
Iroquois  may  be  said  to  have  been  upon  a  transitional  stage,  corre 
sponding  to  the  nature  of  their  environment.  In  their  hunting 
life  they  resembled  the  tribes  of  the  northern  forest  ;  in  so  far 
as  they  depended  for  subsistence  upon  maize  culture,  their  manner 
of  production  resembled  that  of  the  nations  far  to  the  south  of 
them  ;  in  the  process  of  evolution  from  the  hunting  to  the  agri 
cultural  manner  of  production,  however,  they  had  gone  more 
than  half  way. 

Besides  the  primary  productive  activities  of  which  we  have 
been  speaking,  the  Iroquois  naturajly  carried  on  a  certain  amount 
of  manufacturing.  During  the  time  of  comparative  leisure 
toward  the  end  of  the  winter,  many  of  the  raw  materials  pro 
duced  during  the  hunting  season  were  worked  up  into  finished 
articles.  Other  materials,  procured  at  various  times,  were  also 
made  into  commodities  of  different  sorts  ;  thus,  skins  were  shaped 
into  garments  and  coverings,  wood  and  bark  were  cut  and  pre 
pared  for  use  in  various  ways,  textiles  were  woven  out  of  bark 
and  hemp  fiber,  and  earthenware  vessels  were  molded.  All  these 
processes  will  be  spoken  of  in  detail  in  a  subsequent  section. 


"Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst.  Rep.,  1891,  p.  514;  Jes.  Rel.  XXIX,  247— 
"The  Indian  corn  which  is  the  chief  of  their  riches." 


CHAPTER   III. 
ORGANIZATION  OF  PRODUCERS. 

Two  distinct  sorts  of  production  prevailed  among  the  Iroquois. 
On  the  one  hand,  were  grouped  root  grubbing,  nut  and  fruit 
gathering,  trapping,  hunting,  and  fishing;  on  the  other  hand, 
stood  agriculture.  The  former  activities  ordinarily  result  in  the 
domestic  or  village  economy,  with  only  an  occasional  appearance 
of  the  men's  clan :  the  latter  lead  to  a  sedentary  life,  entirely  gov 
erned  by  the  clan  principle.  What,  then,  was  the  effect  of  these 
conflicting  conditions  upon  the  economic  methods  of  the  Iroquois  ? 
In  other  words,  who  were  the  producers ;  into  what  classes  were 
they  divided ;  what  was  the  internal  organization  of  each  class ; 
and  finally,  which  class,  all  things  considered,  occupied  the  posi 
tion  of  greatest  importance  in  the  economic  life  of  the  Iroquois  ? 

It  seems  almost  unnecessary  to  say  that  the  whole  population, 
men  and  women,  had  a  share  in  production.  Neither  hunting, 
fishing,  nor  agriculture,  as  it  was  carried  on  by  the  Iroquois, 
allowed  the  permanent  appropriation  of  the  sources  of  supply  by 
any  individual  or  group  to  the  detriment  of  any  others  who  were 
able  and  willing  to  work.  Consequently,  no  one  could  live  ex 
clusively  on  the  product  of  another's  labor,  and  all  must  exert 
themselves  to  make  their  own  living. 

There  was,  nevertheless,  among  the  Iroquois,  as  among  all 
primitive  peoples,  a  sexual   division  of  labor — that  is   to  say, 
certain  lines  of  production  were  pursued  chiefly  or  entirely  by 
the  men ;  others  by  the  women  of  the  community.     The  Iroquois 
men   occupied   themselves   mainly   in   hunting,   fishing,   trading,/ 
and  making  war;  the j women  devoted  themselves  to  agriculture( 
nut,  fruit,  and  root  gathering,  and  housekeeping:  the  work  ofj 
manufacturing  the  means  of  production  and  articles  of  consump 
tion,  the  men  and  women  divided  pretty  evenly  between  them. 
"  The  part  of  the  men,"  says  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1652-3,  "  is 

27 


28  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

only  war,  hunting,  fishing,  trade  in  various  countries  and  the 
preparation  of  the  things  thereto  necessary ;  as,  offensive  and 
defensive  weapons,  boats,  oars  and  snowshoes."1  The  men, 
furthermore,  seem  to  have  made  most  of  the  instruments  of  pro 
duction;  for  besides  their  own  implements  and  weapons,  they 
also  made  the  agricultural  tools  used  by  the  women.2  It  was] 
their  duty,  also,  to  mark  out  and  clear  the  site  for  the  village,3 
and  to  do  all  the  heavy  work  involved  in  building  the  houses  and 
the  palisade.  In  addition,  the  men  made  no  small  part  of  the 
other  finished  articles  of  consumption  usually  found  in  an  Iroquois 
village.  It  was  their  business  to  cut  all  the  larger-sized  fire 
wood,4  to  make  the  large  bark  barrels  and  boxes  used  for  keeping 
stores  of  food,  and  the  wooden  plates  and  spoons  needed  in  the 
household.5  Just  how  much  they  helped  in  agriculture  is  hard 
to  determine.  Mr.  Carr  says  that  among  the  Hurons  "  the  men 
not  only  habitually  cleared  the  ground — no  small  undertaking  in 
a  heavily  timbered  region — but  they  frequently  took  part  in  what 
is  technically  known  as  working  the  crop,  and  also  aided  in  the 
labors  of  the  harvest  field.,  This  may  not  have  been  a  part  of 
their  duty,  but  we  have  the  authority  of  Charlevoix  for  saying 
that  when  asked  to  aid  in  gathering  the  crop,  they  did  not  scorn 
to  lend  a  helping  hand."6  Among  the  Iroquois  the  men  did 
decidedly  less  agricultural  work  than  among  the  Hurons ;  but 
even  here  evidence  goes  to  show  that  they  cleared  the  fields  and 
burnt  them  over  in  preparation  for  the  sowing.7  La  Potherie 

'Jes.  Rel.  XXXVIII,  255. 
2Sagard,  259;  Jes.  Rel.  XIII,  265;  XXIII,  55. 

La  Potherie,  III,  18-19 — "  L'homme  fait  des  instruments  de  labourage 
qui  sont  de  bois." 

3  Lafitau,  II,  109 — "  Ce  sont  les  hommes  par  toute  1'Amerique  qui  sont 
charges  de  marquer  les  champs,  et  d'en  abbatre  les  gros  arbres." 

La  Potherie,  III,  18-19 — "  Dans  les  champs  I'homme  abat  les  arbres, 
et  les  ebranle.  L'emploi  de  rhomme  dans  le  bois  1'hiver  est  de  faire 
la  cabane."  , 

4  Lafitau,  II,  109. 

6  Boucher,  "  Histoire  Veritable,"  p.  101. 

6  Carr,  "  Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst.  Rep.,  1891,  p.  512. 

Cf.  Perrot,  pp.  106,  181 ;  Jes.  Rel.,  XV,  79;  XXXVII,  115. 

7  La  Potherie,  III,   18 — "  Cest  aux  hommes  a  bruler  les  champs  .  .  . 
et  ils  brulent  les  racines  des  herbes  pour  semer  ensuite." 


ORGANIZATION  OF  PRODUCERS.  29 

says  that  "  it  is  the  men's  business  to  burn  over  the  fields."  He 
tells  us,  too,  that  they  fenced  in  the  gardens  and  prepared  the 
bundles  of  corn  for  drying.  In  regard  to  the  latter  part  of  this 
statement,  Lafitau  supports  him.1  Any  further  help,  the  men  of 
the  Five  Nations,  always  occupied  with  war  and  with  hunting, 
do  not  seem  to  have  offered  to  their  women.2  It  should  be  noted, 
however,  that  no  matter  how  much  or  how  little  the  Iroquois  or 
Huron  warrior  worked  in  the  field,  he  always  acted  merely  as  an  \\ 
assistant,  and  not  as  a  director  or  owner.  He  seems  to  have 
considered  agriculture  a  pursuit  quite  beneath  his  dignity:  the 
real  sphere  of  his  activities,  he  regarded  as  confined,  for  the  most 
part,  to  war,  hunting,  fishing,  and  trade. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  great  importance  of  the  Iroquois  woman 
as  a  producer  lay  in  her  activity  as  an  agriculturist.3  Although 
the  men  may  have  cleared  the  fields,  the  women  sowed,  cultivated, 
and  harvested  the  crop.  Even  among  the  Hurons  it  was  the 
women  upon  whom  the  responsibility  fell.  "  Without  wives," 
says  a  Huron  to  Le  Jeune,  "  wa  are  reduced  to  a  wretched  life, 
seeing  that  it  is  the  women  in  our  country  who  sow,  plant,  and 
cultivate  the  land,  and  prepare  food  for  their  husbands."4  The 
Five  Nations  depended  to .  an  even  greater  extent  upon  their 
women  to  do  the  field  work.  "  The  women,"  says  La  Potherie, 
"  sow,  harvest  and  dry  the  Indian  corn  ....  A  man  does  not 
wish  to  marry  any  but  a  good  worker."5  Besides  their  agricul 
tural  labors,  they  attended  to  the  gathering  of  the  nuts,  fruits  and 
roots,  which  formed  so  important  a  part  of  the  Iroquois  food 
supply  ;6  and  they  contributed,  also,  to  the  stock  of  implements  to 
be  used  in  production,  by  making  traps  for  catching  small  ani- 

1  Lafitau,  II,  78. 

2  Carr,  "  Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst  Rep.,  1891,  pp.  516  sq. 

'Lawson,  "Carolina,"  p.  188;  Schoolcraft,  "Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  III,  191; 
Jes.  Rel.,  XXXVIII,  255. 
*Jes.  Rel.,  XIV,  235. 

5  La  Potherie,  III,  19-20;  Golden,  "Hist.  Five  Nations"  (London,  1747), 
p.  13 — "The  Indian  women  plant  the  corn  and  labor  it  in  every  respect 
till  it  is  brought  to  the  table." 

6  La  Potherie,  III,  19-20 — "Elles  vont  chercher  les  fruits  dans  les  cam- 
pagnes  .  .  .  elles  font  des  Trapes  pour  prendre  les  martes." 


3<D  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROOUOIS. 

mals.2  Furthermore,  they  manufactured  many  of  the  household 
utensils  and  furnishings.  All  the  pottery  was  made  by  the 
women,1  as  were  also  the  wooden  mortars  in  which  corn  was 
crushed.2  Textile  industries  were  largely  in  their  hands,  from 
the  gathering  of  the  raw  material  to  its  final  weaving  into  mats, 
baskets,  etc.3  In  the  making  of  clothing,  also,  the  women  took 
the  chief  part.  Finally,  to  quote  from  the  Jesuit  Relation,  "  it  is 
the  woman  who  bears  the  burden  of  the  house,  cuts  and  carries  the 
fire-wood,  does  the  cooking,  and  loads  herself  on  the  journeys 
with  provisions,  etc.,  for  the  husband."4  Bearing  the  burden  of 
the  house,,  and  doing  the  cooking,  was  indeed  no  light  task.  It 
involved  the  making  of  trips  into  the  winter  woods,  sometimes 
for  a  distance  of  many  miles,  to  bring  back  the  venison  that  the 
men  had  killed ; 5  it  meant  the  laborious  smoking  and  drying  of 
the  meat  and  fish,6  and  the  preparation  of  various  things  to  be 
used  in  cooking.  Evidently  there  was  among  the  Iroquois  a  very 
distinct  division  of  labor  along  sexual  lines,  the  men  acting  chiefly 
as  hunters  and  warriors,  the  women  as  agriculturists.  Are  we 
justified,  however,  in  speaking  of  the  men  as  if  they  did  their  work 
in  cooperation  with  one  another,  and  of  the  women  as  if  they  too 
formed  a  united  production  group? 

Undoubtedly  there  were  occasional  instances  in  Iroquois  life  in 
which  production  seems  to  have  been  a  purely  individual  and 
domestic  affair.  Snaring  deer  and  other  game  in  summer,  when 
the  animals  are  not  gregarious  and  therefore  cannot  be  hunted 
by  large  parties,  was  naturally  done  by  each  man  for  himself. 
Even  in  the  regular  hunting  season,  small  family  parties  might 
wander  off  in  the  woods  by  themselves.  Here  and  there  we  even 
find  isolated  women,  each  cultivating  her  own  little  plot  of  ground. 

xSagard,  pp.  275-276;  Schoolcraft,  "Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  III,  81. 

2  La  Potherie,  III,  19-20. 

8  Jes.  Rel.,  XIII,  265;  XXIII,  55;  Sagard,  pp.  276-277. 

4  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXVIII,  255;  Schoolcraft,  "Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  in,  191; 
Jes.  Rel.,  LXIII,  219. 

5Jes.  Rel.,  LI,  129 — "The  women  do  hardly  anything  else  all  the  win 
ter  but  go  and  get  the  flesh  of  the  deer  or  of  the  moose  that  the  men 
have  killed,  sometimes  fifty  leagues  away  from  the  village." 

6  Jes.  Rel.,  LVII,  267. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  PRODUCERS.  3! 

The  Abbe  de  Galline  ran  across  one  such  case.1  "  On  the  eighth 
of  August/'  he  says,  "  we  came  to  an  island  where  a  savage  from 
the  Seneca  tribe  has  made  a  sort  of  country  house  whither  he 
retires  in  summer  to  consume  with  his  family  some  Indian  corn 
and  pumpkins  that  he  raises  there  every  year.  He  is  so  well 
hidden  that  unless  one  knew  the  place,  one  would  have  difficulty 
in  rinding  it."  This  seems  to  be  a  real  case  of  domestic  economy. 

In  spite  of  such  occasional  exceptions  the  clan  system  seems  to 
have  been  pretty  well  developed  among  the  Iroquois  and  Hurons. 
"  Indian  habits  and  modes  of  life,"  says  Mr.  Morgan,  "  divided 
the  people  socially  into  two  great  classes,  male  and  female.  The 
male  sought  the  conversation  and  society  of  the  male,  and  they 
went  forth  together  for  amusement,  or  for  the  severer  duties  of 
life.  In  the  same  manner  the  female  sought  the  companionship 
of  her  own  sex."2  Each  group  was  in  reality  an  organized  body 
of  individuals  working  in  harmony. 

As  an  organized  body  of  workers,  the  women  of  each  gens 
formed  a  distinct  agricultural  corporation.  The  fact  has  been 
pointed  out  that  family  groups,  even  in  the  domestic  economy, 
are  likely  to  remain  together  as  long  as  their  food-supply  permits ; 
also,  that  the  aggregation  of  families  is  the  very  essence  of  the 
village  economy.  Among  the  Iroquois,  however,  the  positive 
need  of  cooperation  in  production  created  out  of  each  of  these 
merely  friendly  aggregations  a  single  united  body,  bound  together 
by  the  strong  ties  of  economic  interest.  Thus  the  women  of  an 
ordinary  Iroquois  village  were  organized  in  from  three  to  eight 
clans,  coincident  with  the  feminine  portions  of  the  gentes.  Sim 
ilar  conditions  prevailed  among  the  Hurons.  "  Each  gens,"  says 
Major  Powell,  "  has  a  right  to  the  services  of  all  its  women  in 
the  cultivation  of  the  soil."3  Mary  Jemison,  the  white  woman 
brought  up  by  the  Iroquois,  gives  a  detailed  account  of  their 
methods.  "  In  order  to  expedite  their  business,"  she  says,  "  and 
at  the  same  time  enjoy  each  others'  company,  they  all  work  to- 

1  Margry,  I,  123.     Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  LIT,  165. 

'Morgan,  "League,"  323. 

3  Powell,  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  "  Wyandot  Gov't,"  p.  65. 


32  ECONOMICS  OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

gether  in  one  field,  or  at  whatever  job  they  may  have  on  hand. 
In  the  spring  they  choose  an  old  active  squaw  to  be  their  driver 
and  overseer  when  at  labor  for  the  ensuing  year.  She  accepts 
the  honor,  and  they  consider  themselves  bound  to  obey  her. 
"  When  the  time  for  planting  arrives  and  the  soil  is  prepared, 
the  squaws  are  assembled  in  the  morning,  and  conducted  into  a 
field,  where  each  plants  one  row.  They  then  go  into  the  next 
field  and  plant  one  across,  and  so  on  till  they  have  gone  through 
the  tribe  (gens).  If  any  remains  to  be  planted,  they  again  com 
mence  where  they  did  at  first  in  the  same  field,  and  so  keep  on 
till  the  whole  is  finished."1  A  similar  account  of  the  method  of 
field-work  practiced  by  the  Iroquois  women  is  given  by  Lafitau.2 
According  to  his  statements,  the  weeding  and  cultivation  of  each 
plot  during  the  summer  was  attended  to  by  the  individual  pos 
sessors.  The  harvest  operations,  however,  were  carried  on  in 
the  same  way  as  the  planting.  "  There  is  a  time  appointed  for 
it  (the  harvest)  when  they  all  work  together  in  common." 

But  the  activities  of  the  women's  clan,  as  such,  were  not 
strictly  limited  to  agricultural  operations.  In  getting  fire-wood 
the  women  employed  cooperative  methods.  Among  the  Iro 
quois,  according  to  Mary  Jemison,  "  each  squaw  cuts  her  own 
wood,  but  it  is  all  brought  to  the  house  under  the  direction  of 
the  overseer."  "  Among  the  Hurons,"  says  Sagard,  "  all  the 
women  aid  one  another  to  make  this  provision  of  wood,  which  is 
done  in  the  months  of  March  and  April,  and  with  this  order,  in 
a  little  while  each  household  is  furnished  with  what  is  necessary."  s 
In  the  same  way,  other  occupations  which  permitted  of  it  were 
carried  on  by  the  women's  clans,  rather  than  by  individuals  work 
ing  separately.  "  By  this  rule,"  concludes  Mary  Jemison's  ac 
count,  "  they  perform  their  labor  of  every  kind,  and  every  jealousy 
of  one  having  done  more  or  less  than  another  is  effectually 
avoided." 

Turning  now  to  the  men's  part  in  production,  we  find  that  they, 
too,  tended  to  work  according  to  the  cooperative  plan.  It  is  true 

1Life  of  Mary  Jemison,  pp.  70-71. 

2  Lafitau,  II,  75  sq.    Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  XXVI,  225. 

3  Sagard,  249;  cf.  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  18,  p.  12. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  PRODUCERS.  33 

that  forest  hunting,  pure  and  simple,  usually  results  in  the 
domestic,  or  at  most,  the  village  economy,  rather  than  in  the 
clan.  Since  the  chief  sources  of  food-supply  roam  the  woods 
singly,  or  in  small  groups,  society  must  be  modelled  after  the 
same  pattern ;  hence  the  Algonquins  of  the  Northern  Forest  often 
hunted  alone  or  in  small  bands  of  three  or  four  hunters  with  their 
families.  The  clan  organization  appeared  only  occasionally,  as 
the  result  of  the  necessity  of  defense.  The  Iroquois  men  were 
also  forest  hunters:  nevertheless,  there  were  reasons  why  they 
tended  to  organize  in  clans.  In  the  first  place,  the  peaceful  agri 
cultural  settlements  localized  by  the  women,  needed  constant 
protection  from  marauders ;  this  was  the  primary  reason  for  the 
existence  of  the  men's  clan,  an  organization  further  strengthened 
by  never-ending  offensive  campaigns :  in  the  second  place,  game 
was  plentiful  in  the  Iroquois  country,  and  the  region  itself  was  a 
park-like  one ;  hence  cooperative  hunting  by  large  parties  of  men 
paid  better  than  could  have  been  the  case  among  the  Algonquins 
in  the  denser  and  colder  forest  of  the  North.  As  a  consequence, 
the  military  clan  was  a  necessity.  The  hunting  clan,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  a  possibility,  rendered  practicable  by  the  nature  of  the 
environment  and  by  the  fact  that  the  Iroquois  men  were  already 
organized  for  purposes  of  warfare. 

Primarily,  the  men's  clan  was  coincident  with  the  male  portion 
of  the  gens.  The  Iroquois  gens  was  a  body  of  kindred  organized 
into  two  clans  mutually  dependent  upon  each  other  for  certain 
services.  Similarly,  among  the  Hurons,  "  each  gens,"  according  to 
Major  Powell,  "  had  the  right  to  the  service  of  all  the  male  mem 
bers  in  avenging  wrongs,"1  just  as  it  had  the  right  to  the  service 
of  its  female  members  in  the  cultivation  of  the  fields.  As  a  gen 
eral  thing,  however,  all  the  warriors'  clans  in  each  village  acted 
as  one  body  as  far  as  such  cooperation  was  advantageous.  The 
Jesuit  Relation  mentions  one  case  where  a  band  of  women  were 
assailed  as  they  were  going  out  to  their  fields.  At  their  first 
cries,  all  the  warriors  in  the  village  rushed  to  their  rescue.2  At 

^th.   Rep.,   1879-1880,  "Wyandot   Gov't,"  P-   65.     Cf.   Morgan,   "  Anc. 
Soc.,"  p.  71 ;  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXIX,  203. 
2Jes.  Rel.,  XXIX,  249. 


34  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

another  time,  when  a  Huron  village  was  attacked,  the  women  fled, 
while  the  men — about  one  hundred  warriors — united  their  forces 
and  stayed  behind  to  fight.  In  a  word,  to  be  a  good  warrior,  and 
to  aid  in  the  preservation  of  his  gens  and  his  village  was  the 
chief  object  in  the  life  of  the  Iroquois  male.1  To  this  end  he  was 
trained  from  his  early  childhood ;  "  .  .  .  infantile  bands,  armed 
with  hatchets  and  guns  which  they  can  hardly  carry  .  .  .  spread 
fear  and  horror  everywhere,"  says  the  Jesuit  Relation.2  All 
able-bodied  males  between  twenty  and  fifty  years  were  regarded 
as  warriors.3  To  shirk  the  duty  meant  disgrace,  while  to  be  a 
good  warrior  was  of  all  things  most  honorable.  To  keep  up  the 
organization  long  expeditions  were  undertaken,  lasting  sometimes 
for  months  and  even  years.4  At  any  time  the  warriors  might  be 
called  upon  to  fall  into  line  and  fight,  either  as  a  whole  or  merely 
in  volunteer  bands  of  all  sizes,  bound  upon  errands  of  aggression 
or  vengeance.  Cooperation  within  these  bands  was  of  the  closest 
sort.5  Each  warrior  or  group  of  warriors  had  some  special  duty 
to  fulfill  under  the  direction  of  the  leader.  In  an  expedition, 
some  would  hunt  and  supply  meat  for  the  troop,  others  would 
act  as  scouts,  while  still  others  would  paddle  the  canoes  and  care 
for  the  rolls  of  bark  out  of  which  temporary  shelters  were  made. 
All  would  meet  at  night  in  an  appointed  place.  There,  some 
would  set  up  the  tents,  and  others  would  cook  the  food.  On 
approaching  the  enemy's  country,  the  whole  troop  marched  single 
file,  covering  their  track  with  leaves.  Though  most  Indian  fight 
ing  was  carried  on  in  the  woods,  each  warrior  sheltering  himself 
as  best  he  could  behind  a  tree  or  rock,  nevertheless  the  Iroquois 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  225;  XLI,  107;  "Life  of  Mary  Jemison,"  p.  187;  School- 
craft,  "  Notes  on  the  Iroquois,"  pp.  150  sq. ;  Lafitau,  II,  162  sq. 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  XLIII,  263-265. 

3  La  Hontan,  "  Voyages,"  II,  175 — "  A  1'age  de  20  ans,  ils  commencent 
a  endosser  le  harnois,   et  le   quittent  a  leur  cinquantieme  annee.     S'ils 
portent  les  armes  plutot  on  plus  tard  ce  n'est  que  pour  marauder,  mais 
ils  ne  sont  point  compris  dans  le  nombre  des  guerriers." 

Cf.  Schoolcraft,  "  Notes  on  Iroquois,"  p.  83. 

4  Chadwick,  "  People  of  the  Longhouse,"  p.  61 ;  Jes.  Rel.,  XIV,  39—"  A 
sufficient  garrison  was  left  in  the  village." 

6  Schoolcraft,  "Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  IV,  200;  Lafitau,  II,  162  sq. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  PRODUCERS.  35 

often  planned  and  followed  out  regular  concerted  evolutions  in 
which  each  warrior  had  his  fixed  place.  In  bringing  or  sustain 
ing  a  siege,  the  Iroquois  soldiers  worked  together  with  the  same 
foresight  and  careful  planning.1  We  may  imagine  that  the  fol 
lowing  quotation  describes  the  siege  of  a  Huron  town  by  the 
Iroquois.  "  The  siege  of  places  where  they  find  resistance/'  says 
Lafitau,  "  is  again  a  proof  that  they  have  rules  of  an  art  of  war, 
where  skill  and  industry  go  hand  in  hand  with  force  and  the  most 
intrepid  bravery.  If  the  besiegers  make  the  most  incredible 
efforts  to  surprise  the  vigilance  of  the  besieged  and  to  conquer  all 
the  obstacles  that  oppose  them,  the  latter  omit  nothing  which 
could  serve  them  in  making  a  good  defense ;  feints,  false  attacks, 
vigorous  and  unforeseen  sorties,  ambushes,  surprises, — every 
thing  is  employed  by  both  sides  in  war.  But  there  are  few  sieges 
of  long  duration.  The  palisades  being  only  of  wood,  and  the 
cabins  of  bark,  in  vain  do  the  besieged  stock  their  ramparts  with 
stones,  beams  and  water,  in  vain  do  they  repulse  their  assailants 
with  a  hail  of  arrows ;  the  latter  bring  ruin  to  them  with  flaming 
arrows,  a  small  number  of  which  suffices,  if  the  wind  is  favorable, 
to  reduce  the  whole  village  to  ashes.  They  make  their  approach 
fearlessly  with  coverings  made  of  boards  which  they  carry  before 
them,  and  thanks  to  which  they  advance  to  the  foot  of  the  palisade 
which  they  break  down  with  their  axes  or  with  fire.  Or,  they  may 
make  a  counter-palisade,  which  serves  them  as  a  shield  and  as 
ladders,  giving  them  the  means  of  scaling  the  enemies'  entrench 
ment  and  making  themselves  masters  of  it." 

The  clan  spirit,  brought  about  by  this  kind  of  cooperative 
activity,  entirely  overshadowed  all  othern  motives.  Family  affec 
tion  was  as  nothing  before  it.  Thus  Loskiel  tells  us  :2  "  When 
the  children  and  other  kindred  go  to  meet  the  father  of  a  family 
after  a  long  absence,  he  passes  them  with  a  haughty  air,  never 
returns  their  salutation,  nor  asks  how  his  children  do ;  for  cir 
cumstances  relating  to  his  own  family  and  kinsmen  seem  indif 
ferent  to  him  in  time  of  war."  Mr.  Morgan3  furnishes  similar 
evidence.  He  says  that  the  tie  between  father  and  children  was 

JJes.  Rel.,  XL,  103;  Lafitau,  II,  252-253. 

2  Loskiel,  p.  59. 

3  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  325. 


36  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

very  slight ;  "  but  when  his  sons  grew  up  to  maturity  he  became 
more  attached  to  them,  making  them  his  companions  in  the  hunt 
and  upon  the  war-path." 

It  seems  only  natural  that  men  in  whose  minds  warfare  had 
already  cultivated  the  clan  idea  were  inclined  as  far  as  possible 
to  employ  the  same  principle  in  everything  they  did ;  hence,  even 
in  the  village,  the  men's  clans  as  such  carried  on  a  certain  amount 
of  direct  production.  According  to  Lafitau,  when  a  lodge  is  to 
be  erected,  "  the  youth  of  the  village  are  invited,  a  feast  is  given 
to  encourage  them,  and  in  less  than  a  couple  of  days  the  whole 
work  is  done."1  Then,  too,  the  men  must  have  cooperated  in 
clearing  the  land  for  the  village ;  they  certainly  did  so  in  the  work 
of  fortifying  the  town.2 

We  are  not  surprised,  therefore,  upon  considering  their  military 
habits,  and  the  favorable  nature  of  their  environment,  to  hear  that 
the  Iroquois  tended  to  employ  the  clan  method  even  in  their  hunt 
ing.3  An  army  on  the  march  was,  as  we  have  seen,  often  at  the 
same  time  a  hunting  party,  and  vice  versa*  But  organized  com 
panies  were  also  in  the  habit  of  forming  purely  for  hunting  pur 
poses.  Mr.  Morgan  describes  a  favorite  method  of  securing 
game :  "...  A  large  party  of  hunters  was  formed  and  a  brush 
fence  was  built  in  the  shape  of  the  letter  V,  two  or  three  miles  in 
length  on  each  side.  The  woods  were  then  fired  in  the  rear  at 
some  miles  distant,  so  as  to  drive  the  deer  toward  the  opening, 
into  which  they  were  guided  by  parties  stationed  upon  either 
side.  They  followed  the  fence  down  to  the  angle,  where  the 

1  Lafitau,  II,  ii. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  X,  203. 

3LaHontan,  "Voyages,"  II,  93 — "Les  Iroquois  sont  plus  grands,  plus 
vaillants,  et  plus  rusez  que  les  autres  peuples,  mais  moins  agiles  et  moins 
adroits,  tant  a  la  guerre  qu'  a  la  chasse,  ou  ils  ne  vont  jamais  qu'en  grand 
nombre." 

Cf.  Perrot,  p.  54;  Loskiel,  pp.  78-79;  Jes.  Rel.,  XII,  273. 

4  Jes.  Rel.,  XXIV,  123 ;  Jes.  Rel.,  LIV,  73—"  The  ideas  of  all  these  tribes 
prompt  them  to  the  pursuit  of  nothing  but  hunting  and  warfare.  Among 
them  are  seen  only  parties  of  twenty,  thirty,  or  fifty  men,  of  a  hundred  or 
sometimes  two  hundred;  rarely  do  they  go  to  the  number  of  a  thousand 
in  a  single  band.  These  bands  are  divided,  to  go  some  in  quest  of  men, 
and  others  in  quest  of  beasts." 


ORGANIZATION   OF   PRODUCERS.  37 

arrows  of  the  unseen  hunters  soon  brought  them  down  one  after 
the  other.  Sometimes  a  hundred  were  thus  taken  at  one  time."  > 
These  cooperating  groups  might  be  composed  of  men  alone,,  as 
for  instance,  when  the  young  men  went  out  from  the  village  for 
a  day  or  two  at  a  time ;  or  they  might  be  accompanied  by  women 
and  children.  The  latter  was  usual  during  the  long  winter  hunt. 2 
In  the  latter  case  the  women  did  not  go  as  a  clan,  but  merely  as 
dependents  of  individual  members  of  the  men's  organization,  ^j 
Thus,  while  in  the  productive  life  of  the  village  the  men's  clan  as 
the  garrison  played  a  part  somewhat  subordinate  to  that  taken  by 
the  women's  clan,  during  the  hunting  expedition  the  situation  (\I  £&. 

was  reversed.  Here  control  of  the  access  to  the  source  of  supply, 
as  well  as  the  defense  of  the  group,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  men's 
clan,  and  consequently  the  women's  organization  entirely  dis 
integrated. 

The  same  thing  occurred  in  the  fishing  season.  Wherever 
cooperation  was  advantageous,  the  men  worked  according  to  that 
method,  while  the  women  acted  in  a  subordinate  capacity.3  More 
or  less  fishing  was  always  carried  on  in  conjunction  with  hunting,4 
but  there  were  also  many  large  and  lengthy  expeditions  which 
had  fishing  as  their  sole  purpose.5  Sometimes  as  many  as  three 
hundred  to  four  hundred  would  go  together  and  pitch  their  tem 
porary  camps  on  the  same  spot.  Between  the  male  members  of  / 
such  parties  considerable  cooperation  would  spring  up.  Among 
the  Hurons  seine-fishing  was  carried  on  by  large  parties,  working 
harmoniously  together.6  Everywhere  the  building  and  use  of 
weirs  and  hurdles  involved  considerable  cooperation.7  Loskiel 
mentions  a  case  of  the  sort.  A  large  net,  made  of  a  rope  of  wild 

1  Morgan,  "League,"  p.  345. 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  LIV,  117;  LVII,  261;  LVIII,  83;  LV,  253,  255,  269;  XXXI, 
71;  XXXIII,  83;  XXXIV,  87. 

8  Jes.  Rel.,  LVII,  267. 

*  Loskiel,  p.  94 — "  The  Indians  always  carry  hooks  and  small  harpoons 
with  them,  whenever  they  are  on  a  hunting  party." 

5  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXIX,  215;  XV,  113,  125;  XIX,  87;  LIII,  243;  XXVI,  41; 
LIT,  175 ;  LIV,  81. 

6  Jes.  Rel.,  XVII,  197. 

7  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  p.  197. 


38  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

vine  with  a  fringe  of  branches  about  six  feet  long,  was  used  to 
sweep  a  stream ;  some  members  of  the  party  walking  along  each 
bank  held  the  ends  of  the  wild-vine  rope,  and  others  supported 
the  middle  with  wooden  forks ;  at  the  weir,  men  standing  on  each 
side  of  the  central  opening,  with  poles  and  shouts  drove  the  fish 
into  a  large  perforated  box ;  then  other  Indians  stationed  in  canoes 
on  each  side  took  out  the  fish.  Sometimes  by  this  method  more 
than  one  thousand  were  caught  in  half  a  day.1 

The  Iroquois  method  of  production,  then,  was  a  double  one. 
In  the  village,  control  of  the  surplus  was  shared  between  the 
men's  and  the  women's  clans — the  latter  carrying  on  most  of  the 
work  of  production;  the  former  acting  singly  or  collectively  as 
a  military  guard.  In  the  war  and  hunting  expeditions,  the 
women's  clan  entirely  disappeared;  yet  in  the  general  life  of  the 
community,  the  latter  occupied  the  more  important  place.  The 
reasons  were  two :  in  the  first  place,  agriculture,  the  branch  of 
production  controlled  by  the  women's  clan,  was  becoming  the 
chief  dependence  of  the  whole  nation — more  and  more  as  the  years 
went  on,  the  Iroquois  took  on  the  characteristics  of  sedentary 
villagers  living  mainly  on  the  produce  of  their  cornfields ;  in  the 
second  place,  the  very  nature  of  the  work  of  the  two  clans  gave 
the  women's  organization  a  decided  advantage ;  fishing  and  hunt 
ing  often  did  not  allow  extensive  cooperation ;  hence,  even  in  the 
hunting  season,  the  men's  clan  economy  might  at  any  time  give 
way  before  conditions  demanding  the  adoption  of  the  village  or 
domestic  system.  Warfare,  of  course,  absolutely  demanded  co 
operation;  nevertheless,  it  permitted  great  variations  in  the  size 
and  personnel  of  the  band.  In  theory,  the  men  of  each  gens 
formed  a  clan  whose  chief  duty  was  the  protection  of  its  sister 
clan  and  of  itself;  in  practice  the  clan  was  composed  of  rather 
unstable  elements,  the  different  objects  to  be  accomplished  de 
termining  in  each  case  the  number  and  make-up  of  the  group. 
Often  a  small  expedition  might  be  made  up  of  members  of  several 
j  different  gentes.  The  women's  clan,  on  the  other  hand,  always 
j  presented  an  unchanged  front.  It  had  a  definite  task  to  perform, 
the  magnitude  of  which  did  not  vary  much  from  year  to  year, 

1  Loskiel,  p.  95 ;  cf.  Beauchamp,  "  Iroquois  Trail,"  p.  92. 


ORGANIZATION   OF   PRODUCERS.  39 

and  in  which  cooperation  was  always  advantageous ;  every  sum 
mer,  the  same  amount  of  work,  done  upon  the  same  spot,  resulted 
in  about  the  same  product  as  in  the  year  before :  hence  the  female 
clan  need  never  vary  in  membership  or  size;  neither  must  it 
wander  from  place  to  place.  It  would  be  no  wonder,  therefore, 
if  in  regard  to  its  influence  upon  the  general  character  of  the 
community,  the  men's  clan  should  tend  to  occupy  a  position  sub 
ordinate  to  that  held  by  their  sister  organization. 

Economic  conditions  led  to  the  organization  of  the  Iroquois 
into  clans :  for  similar  reasons  these  smaller  bodies  were  at  the 
same  time  united  in  one  large  body,  namely,  the  Tribe.  The 
main  motive  for  tribal  organization  was  the  necessity  of  defense. 
For  this  purpose,  the  tribe  possessed  the  right  to  the  services  of 
all  its  male  members.  The  actual  strength  of  the  army  varied 
with  circumstances.  In  times  of  peace  the  tribe  tended  to  disin 
tegrate  and  make  scattered  settlements,  generally  with  some  one 
gens  predominating  in  each.  In  seasons  of  disturbance  and 
alarm,  there  was  likely  to  be  only  one  great  village  in  which  the 
separate  life  of  the  gentes  was  merged  in  that  of  the  whole.  Once 
brought  together  by  the  necessity  of  close  cooperation  in  defense, 
the  tribal  organization  was  strengthened  by  various  other  factors. 
The  propitiation  of  forces  controlling  the  weather  was  a  strong 
bond  of  union,  often  in  itself  an  effectual  motive  for  combination. 
When  any  one  was  drowned  or  frozen  to  death,  the  Hurons  be 
lieved  that  the  sky  was  angry  and  instituted  a  series  of  sacrifices 
and  feasts.  According  to  the  Jesuit  Relation,  "  A  gathering  of 
the  neighboring  villages  takes  place,  many  feasts  are  made,  and 
no  presents  are  spared,  as  it  is  a  matter  in  which  the  whole 
country  is  interested." 1  A  similar  effect  was  caused  by  the  neces 
sity  of  common  action  to  ward  off  epidemics.  In  such  cases 
representatives  of  the  warriors  would  feast  together,  and  their 
example  would  be  followed  by  the  representatives  of  the  women, 
some  from  each  clan.2  Again,  there  was  the  constant  danger  of 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  163. 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  XIII,  237 ;  cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  219 — "  Here  you  cannot  insult  any 
one  of  them  without  the  whole  country  resenting  it,  and  taking  up  the 
quarrel  against  you,  and  even  against  an  entire  village." 


4O  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

a  fire  in  which  the  whole  village  might  be  destroyed.  Every 
inhabitant,  at  such  a  crisis,  was  de  facto  a  member  of  the  fire- 
brigade.  All  these  motives  combined  to  cause  a  federation  of  the 
clans,  and  an  organization  of  economic  life  from  the  point  of  view 
of  the  tribe. 

The  formation  of  the  Iroquois  into  clans  and  tribes  was  the 
result  of  their  primitive  struggle  for  economic  prosperity.  Their 
organization  into  a  confederacy  of  tribes,  though  an  affair  of 
much  later  date,  had  similar  reasons  for  being.  An  understand 
ing  of  some  sort  was  indeed  to  be  expected  between  tribes  living 
next  door  to  each  other  in  a  region  marked  off  as  a  distinct  geo 
graphic  unity,  speaking  the  same  language,  and  standing  on  the 
same  level  of  culture.  In  fact,  the  Iroquois  soon  became  aware 
that  the  common  enjoyment  of  utilities  meant  greater  economic 
benefit  for  all,  and  that  in  union,  rather  than  in  individual  inde 
pendence,  lay  the  secret  of  power  against  outside  nations.  The 
Hurons,  to  the  north  of  them,  were  not  long  in  recognizing  the 
same  fact.  Among  the  latter  the  movement  never  went  further 
than  the  formation  of  a  mere  league.1  The  Iroquois,  however, 
created  a  well  organized  Confederacy.  Mr.  Morgan  was  so 
impressed  by  the  completeness  of  the  Iroquois'  plan  of  federation 
that  he  believed  it  to  embody  the  well  thought-out  scheme  of 
some  one  great  leader.  The  truth  seems  to  be  that  the  Confed 
eracy  was  the  growth  of  many  years.2  As  early,  perhaps,  as 

Jes.  Rel.,  X,  211  sq. — "They  maintain  themselves  in  this  perfect  har 
mony  by  frequent  visits,  by  help  they  give  one  another  in  sickness,  by 
feasts  and  by  alliances." 

'Jes.  Rel.  XVII,  195;  XVI,  227. 

Other  examples  of  such  confederacies  as  the  Iroquois  and  Hurons  may 
be  seen  in  that  of  the  Creeks,  consisting  of  six  tribes;  the  Ottawa  Con 
federacy  (3  tribes)  ;  the  Dakota  League  of  the  "  Seven  Council  Fires." 
Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  p.  122. 

2Parkman,  "Christian  Examiner,"  May,  1851 — "The  divided  Iroquois 
harassed  by  the  attacks  of  enemies,  or  threatened  by  a  general  inroad, 
might  have  been  led  to  see  the  advantages  of  a  league;  and  to  effect  that 
end,  the  most  simple  and  obvious  course  would  have  been  that  the  sachems 
of  all  the  nations  should  unite  in  a  common  council.  When  this  had  been 
done,  when  a  few  functionaries  had  been  appointed,  and  certain  necessary 
regulations  established,  the  league  would  have  formed  itself,  without  any 


ORGANIZATION  OF  PRODUCERS.  4! 

the  year  1450,  the  Onondagas,  Oneidas,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas 
were  united  in  an  offensive  and  defensive  league ;  a  hundred 
years  later,  the  Mohawks  arrived  and  settled  permanently  in  the 
Mohawk  Valley;  and  by  1570  the  league  had  probably  taken  its 
historic  form. 

Besides  the  Iroquois  themselves,  with  their  clan,  their  tribal 
and  their  confederate  organization,  there  was  also  another  class 
of  producers  to  be  found  in  every  Iroquois  village.  This  element 
in  the  population  was  composed  of  captives — slaves,  the  Jesuits 
call  them — and  of  some  other  persons  of  servile  status.  Slave 
labor,  in  a  modified  form,  was  employed  by  members  of  both 
men's  and  women's  clans.  Captives,  whose  lives  had  been  spared 
for  this  purpose,  did  the  hardest  and  most  menial  work  in  every 
line  of  production — in  hunting  and  fishing,  in  agriculture,  and 
in  housework.  "  It  was  an  Iroquois  custom,"  says  Mr.  Carr, 
"  to  use  captives  to  assist  their  women  in  the  labors  of  the  field, 
in  carrying  burdens,  and  in  doing  general  menial  labor." 1  Thus 
we  hear  of  a  certain  mistress  of  twenty  slaves  who  "  knew  not 
what  it  was  to  go  to  the  forest  to  get  wood,  nor  to  the  river  to 
draw  water."2  Deserving  captives  were  eventually  admitted  to 
clan  membership.3  Nevertheless,  at  any  given  moment  there 
were  always  two  elements  in  the  Iroquois  population :  on  the  one 
hand,  the  free  producers,  organized  into  clans  and  controlling  the 
access  to  the  sources  of  supply ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  captives — 
an  aggregation  of  individuals  completely  in  the  power  of  their 
conquerors.  The  other  element  in  the  servile  class  was  composed 

very  elaborate  legislation,  in  the  condition  in  which  it  stood  at  the  time 
of  its  highest  prosperity.  To  these  views  Morgan  assents  in  his  last  word 
upon  the  subject." 

1  Carr,  "  Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst  Rep.,  1891,  p.  517.     Cf.  La  Hontan,  "  Voy 
ages,"  II,  7 — "Women  slaves  are  employed  to  sow  and  reap  the  Indian 
corn;  the  men  slaves  have  for  their  business  the  hunting  and  shooting 
when  there  is  any  fatigue."     Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  XVI,  201;  XXXI,  61,  71,  81 ; 
XXXIV,  117;  XXXIX,  63,  187;  LX,  185;  II,  298. 

2  Jes  Rel.,  LIV,  93- 

3  Carr,  "  Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst.  Rep.,  1891,  p.  517 — "  When  a  captive  proved 
himself  possessed  of  what  in  their  judgment  constituted  manly  qualities, 
then  he  was  fully  adopted  and  admitted  to  all  the  privileges  of  an  Iro 
quois." 


42  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

of  certain  effeminate  men  of  Iroquois  birth.  These  persons,  often 
perfectly  able-bodied,  but  too  self-indulgent  to  endure  the  hard 
ships  of  hunting  and  war,  had  abandoned  the  men's  clan  and 
devoted  themselves  to  field-work  and  other  feminine  occupations. 
Their  desertion  of  the  sphere  of  activity  in  which  they  were  most 
needed  was  punished  by  contempt  and  scorn.  According  to  Ely 
S.  Parker,  an  educated  Iroquois,  "  when  any  man,  excepting  the 
cripples,  old  men,  and  those  disabled  in  war  or  hunting,  chose  to 
till  the  earth,  he  was  at  once  ostracised  from  men's  society,  classed 
as  a  woman  or  squaw,  and  disqualified  from  sitting  or  speaking 
in  the  councils  of  his  people  until  he  had  redeemed  himself  by 
becoming  a  skillful  warrior  or  a  successful  hunter."  *  Effeminate 
men  and  captives  thus  formed  a  servile  class  producing  under  the 
direction  and  authority  of  the  clans. 

At  the  same  time  there  was  arising,  within  the  clan,  a  class  of 
persons  who,  by  virtue  of  the  part  they  claimed  to  play  in  produc 
tion,  had  a  certain  indefinite  authority  over  the  activities  of  the 
clan  itself.  The  medicine  men  were  the  supposed  masters  of  cer 
tain  natural  forces,  without  whose  aid  all  labor  would  be  in  vain. 
No  crop  could  succeed  nor  hunting  expedition  prosper,  unless  the 
medicine  man  exerted  himself  to  bring  good  weather.  At  every 
turn  the  cooperation  of  the  medicine  man  was  necessary  for  the 
welfare  of  the  clan.  Just  as  the  clans  directed  the  labor  and  con 
trolled  every  action  of  the  servile  classes,  so  the  medicine  men,  in 
their  turn,  determined  to  a  certain  extent  the  ultimate  fate  of  the 
clans. 

To  recapitulate: — the  nature  of  their  environment  caused  the 
Iroquois  to  pursue  hunting  and  fishing,  and  even  to  a  greater 
extent,  agriculture,  as  a  means  of  livelihood:  a  sexual  division 
of  labor  resulted,  the  women  devoting  themselves  mainly  to  agri 
culture,  the  men  to  warfare  and  hunting:  within  these  groups, 

1  Carr,  "  Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst  Rep.,  1891,  p.  517.  The  class  of  males  in 
question  existed  in  many  semi-agricultural  and  hunting  tribes  in  America. 
They  rose  in  public  estimation  as  the  community  tended  more  and  more 
to  go  over  to  the  agricultural  basis  and  the  work  of  the  hunter  and  war 
rior  became  less  important.  Among  the  Illinois,  for  instance,  the  effe 
minate  men  were  summoned  to  the  councils  and  held  in  great  respect. 
Jes.  Rel.,  LIX,  129,  p.  309,  note  26. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  PRODUCERS.  43 

cooperative  methods  of  work  were  found  advantageous,  and  hence 
the  formation  of  the  women's  and  of  the  men's  clans — the  former 
to  carry  on  agriculture ;  the  latter  to  attend  to  war  and  hunting : 
for  reasons  arising  from  the  very  nature  of  their  work,  and  the 
differing  degrees  of  importance  of  their  product,  the  women's 
clan  had  a  more  conspicuous  influence  on  the  life  of  the  com 
munity  than  the  men's  organization:  altogether,  the  transitional 
stage  of  culture  upon  which  the  Iroquois  were  living,  affords  a 
valuable  opportunity  for  the  simultaneous  study  of  the  economy 
regulated  by  the  hunting  and  warring  clan  of  men,  and  of  the 
first  stages  of  the  economy  dominated  by  the  communal  clan : 
economic  conditions,  also,  account  for  the  organization  of  the 
clans  into  tribes,  and  of  the  latter  into  a  confederacy:  finally, 
the  fact  is  patent  that  besides  the  Iroquois  proper  with  their  clan, 
tribal,  and  confederate  organization,  there  also  existed  another 
class  of  producers,  composed  of  captives  and  effeminate  men, 
whose  relation  to  the  Iroquois  was  a  coercive  one,  based  upon 
the  fact  that  their  personal  liberty  was  controlled  by  the  clans : 
in  addition,  there  were  the  medicine  men  who  also  exercised  a 
sort  of  coercion  over  the  clans ;  their  power,  based  upon  their 
supposed  monopoly  of  the  control  of  certain  natural  forces,  being 
coextensive  with  the  degree  of  credulity  of  the  people. 


CHAPTER   IV. 
THE  WEALTH  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

The  wealth  of  the  Iroquois,  gained  largely  by  cooperative 
effort,  and  without  any  private  appropriation  of  the  sources  of 
supply,  consisted  of  a  heterogeneous  collection  of  economic  goods. 
Since  there  was  no  recognized  standard  in  units  of  which  the 
sum  of  values  could  be  expressed,  the  Iroquois  always  considered 
their  wealth  in  the  concrete,  as  a  relatively  valuable  collection  of 
goods.  Some  of  these  were  useful  as  production,  others  as 
direct  consumption  goods. 

Among  the  production-goods  of  the  Iroquois,  there  were  certain 
implements  of  general  use  in  forest  life,  while  others  owed  their 
existence  to  the  prevalence  of  some  particular  manner  of  pro 
ducing  raw  material.  All  these  articles,  however,  may  be  termed 
primary  production-goods. 

The  simplest,  and  at  the  same  time  the  most  universally  neces 
sary  implement  in  use  among  the  Iroquois,  as  among  all  primitive 
peoples,  was  the  knife.1  In  nearly  all  productive  operations  it 
was  the  first  tool  needed ;  fortunately,  it  was  also  the  most  easily 
obtained.  "  If  a  knife  was  wanted/'  says  Mr.  Beauchamp,  "  a 
flake  was  picked  up,  to  which  in  a  few  minutes  an  edge  was 
given;  it  was  used  and  thrown  away.2  Larger  and  more  care 
fully  worked  specimens  of  stone,  bone,  or  wood  were  also  made 
and  preserved  for  permanent  use.  Among  those  of  stone,  some 
were  nearly  circular,  and  chipped  to  a  sharp  edge  all  around; 
others  were  elliptical,  or  of  long  diamond  form ;  many  approached 
what  we  call  the  knife  form,  being  long  and  narrow,  thin  and 
sharp,  and  inserted  in  a  handle.  Such  an  implement  would  be 

1  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  p.  49-53;  No.  41,  pp.  378- 
379 ;  No.  50,  p.  255 ;  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  358. 

2  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  p.  15. 

44 


WEALTH   OF  THE   IROQUOIS.  45 

useful  alike  in  war,  in  hunting,  and  in  many  other  activities  of 
daily  life. 

Side  by  side  with  the  knife  in  the  scale  of  importance,  stands 
the  axe.  This  also  was  a  tool  whose  services  were  needed  at  one 
stage  or  another  of 'almost  every  branch  of  production.  The  axe, 
or  celt,  one  of  the  few  polished  stone  articles  made  by  the  Iroquois, 
was  a  piece  of  hard  sandstone,  greenstone,  or  slate,1  chipped  and 
polished  into  the  shape  of  an  ordinary  hatchet  or  wedge,  round 
and  blunt  at  one  end,  and  with  a  broad  cutting  edge  at  the  other. 
"  Often  "  says  Lafitau,2  "  the  life  time  of  a  savage  was  not  long 
enough  for  its  completion;  whence  it  comes  that  such  an  article, 
though  still  rude  and  imperfect,  was  a  precious  heritage  for  the 
children."  The  putting  on  of  the  handle  was,  in  itself,  no  small 
task.  "  One  must  choose  a  young  tree,"  Lafitau  goes  on  to  tell 
us,  "  and  without  cutting  it  down,  make  a  handle  of  it.  One  cuts 
it  in  one  end  and  there  inserts  the  stone ;  the  tree  grows,  presses 
it  tight,  and  so  incorporates  it  in  its  trunk  that  it  is  rare  and  diffi 
cult  to  remove  it."  At  this  stage  of  growth  the  tree  was  cut 
down  and  the  axe  and  its  wooden  handle  were  carved  out,  ready 
for  use.  Sometimes,  however,  the  handle  seems  to  have  been 
put  on  by  quicker  and  more  artificial  methods ;  the  orifice  of  the 
only  ancient  handle  now  in  possession  of  the  New  York  State 
Museum  has  evidently  been  finished,  at  least,  by  fire.3  Mr. 
Morgan  says  that  a  deep  groove  was  cut  around  the  small  end  of 
the  hatchet,  by  means  of  which  it  was  firmly  attached  to  the 
handle  with  a  withe  or  thong.4  This  statement,  however,  does 
not  seem  to  be  well  founded,  either  upon  historical  or  archeological 
evidence.  Instead  of  the  groove,  the  device  of  roughening  the 
stone  near  the  blunt  end  was  adopted  by  the  Iroquois,  in  order 
to  give  the  handle  a  firm  grip.  These  axes  were  used  to  fell 
trees,  to  cut  fire-wood,  and  for  other  work  of  the  sort.  Fire  was 
generally  employed  to  do  the  first  part  of  the  work,  the  stone  tool 
being  used  to  chip  away  the  charred  wood.  We  learn  from 

1Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  18,  pp.  n  sq. 

2  Lafitau,  II,  no. 

3  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  18,  p.  12. 

4  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  359. 


46  ECONOMICS   OF   THE  IROQUOIS. 

Champlain,  however,  that  the  axe  sometimes  did  the  whole  work, 
and  did  it  much  more  expeditiously  than  would  seem  likely  to  a 
modern  lumberman.  Champlain  says  that  the  Mohawks  in  1609, 
upon  meeting  his  party,  "  began  to  hew  down  trees  with  villanous 
axes  which  they  sometimes  got  in  war,  and  others  of  stone,  and 
fortified  themselves  very  securely." 

Besides  such  implements  of  general  usefulness  as  the  axe  and 
the  knife,  the  Iroquois  manufactured  others  especially  intended 
to  increase  the  products  of  hunting,  fishing,  and  agriculture. 
The  implement  most  important  to  the  hunter  was  his  bow  and 
arrow.  The  bow  was  made  of  red  cedar  or  some  similar  wood, 
hardened  by  fire  and  scraped  into  shape  with  a  shell  knife.1  It 
was  not  the  short  bow,  so  efficient  in  the  hands  of  the  mounted 
hunter ;  on  the  contrary,  it  often  equalled  the  height  of  a  man.2 
A  weapon  of  this  kind  could  be  used  only  by  a  man  of  strength 
and  experience.  In  such  hands  it  could  send  an  arrow  with 
fearful  force.  The  bow  string  consisted  of  a  hempen  cord  or 
a  deer  sinew.  If  the  latter,  it  was  prepared  by  being  drawn 
back  and  forth  in  a  groove  cut  in  a  piece  of  soft  sandstone.3 
The  arrow  used  was  about  three  feet  long.  Sometimes  two 
feathers  stripped  from  the  quill  were  passed  around  the  small  end 
in  a  twist  and  tied  in  place  with  sinews.  This  arrangement 
caused  the  arrow  to  revolve  in  its  flight,  giving  it  a  horizontality 
and  precision  of  motion  which  much  increased  its  force.  In 
this  respect,  the  Iroquois  hunter  showed  greater  ingenuity  than 
was  displayed  by  the  English  and  Scottish  archers  who  never 
seemed  to  have  discovered  the  advantages  to  be  secured  by  a 
revolving  motion  of  the  arrow.4  It  is  probable,  however,  that 
the  Iroquois  did  not  always  make  use  of  their  invention,  since 
a  rotary  motion  often  may  not  have  been  desirable  in  the  woods. 
The  Iroquois  arrow-head  was  made  of  wood,  stone,  or  bone :  the 

Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  p.  41. 

2Beauchamp,  N.'Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  p.  46;  Lafitau,  II,  196;  Mor 
gan,,  "League,"  pp.  305-306. 

3  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  18,  p.  43. 

4  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  pp.  24-25 ;  Morgan,  "  League," 
PP.  305-306. 


WEALTH   OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  47 

Onondagas,  according  to  Mr.  Beauchamp,  now  use,,  and  probably 
always  have  used,  blunt  headed  arrows  made  entirely  of  wood: 
stone  arrow-heads,  however,  seem  to  have  been  most  commonly 
employed  by  the  other  tribes.  These  last  were  generally  of  the 
common  flint  of  the  region,  chipped  into  a  flat  triangular  shape. 
Less  frequent  than  the  stone  were  the  bone  and  horn  arrow-heads. 
These  were  sometimes  merely  hollow  points  into  which  the  wooden 
shaft  was  fitted,  and  less  often  were  solid  pieces  inserted  into  the 
wood.  Most  of  the  Iroquois  arrow-heads,  of  whatever  material, 
were  barbed  and  fastened  to  the  shaft  with  a  strong  fish  glue,  or 
bound  on  with  sinew  and  cord.1 

Traps  and  snares  were  much  used  by  the  Iroquois  hunter.2 
They  were  generally  made  with  the  aid  of  strong  bark  or  hempen 
ropes  and  cords.3  Mr.  Morgan  describes  one  species  of  deer 
trap,  in  which  a  young  tree  was  bent  over,  and  so  adjusted  that 
the  springing  of  the  trap  fastened  a  loop  around  the  hind  legs  of 
the  animal,  and  at  the  same  time  released  the  tree,  thus  drawing 
the  deer  upwards  and  holding  him  suspended  in  the  air.4  La 
Hontan  says  that  foxes,  bears,  martens  and  some  other  varieties 
of  game  were  also  generally  caught  in  traps.5  Beaver  were  rarely 
taken  by  this  method,  as  the  only  kind  of  trap  that  could  deceive 
them  was  made  of  a  sort  of  willow  very  hard  to  get.  Their  own 
dam,  in  fact,  when  a  hole  had  been  cut  in  it  and  the  water  allowed 
to  run  out,  formed  an  effective  enough  trap  in  which  they  could 
be  killed  with  ease.  In  winter,  however,  they  were  often  caught 
in  nets  spread  under  holes  in  the  ice  and  baited  with  a  bit  of  wood. 
Another  use  of  the  net  was  as  a  snare  for  wild  fowl.  According 
to  La  Pother ie,  the  Iroquois  used  to  "  make  a  broad  path  in  the 
woods,  and  attach  to  two  trees,  one  on  each  side,  a  large  net  in 
the  shape  of  a  sack  well  opened/'6  Sometimes  seven  or  eight 

Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  pp.  15-38;  No.  50,  pp.  290- 
293;  Lafitau,  II,  196. 
2Jes.  Rel.,  XXIX,  207;  XXIII,  157. 
3Jes.  Rel.,  IX,  253. 
*  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  345. 

5  La  Hontan,  "  Voyages,"  II,  160. 

6  La  Potherie,  II,  80. 


48  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

hundred  pigeons  were  thus  captured  in1  one  night.  Mr.  Morgan 
describes  a  contrivance  for  corraling  deer,  which  is  based  upon 
somewhat  the  same  principle  as  the  net  for  capturing  birds.  He 
also  says  that  the  Iroquois  had  no  dogs  adapted  to  the  chase ;  yet 
when  we  consider  the  universal  use  of  dogs  for  hunting  purposes 
by  all  the  other  forest  tribes,  we  cannot  believe  that  they  alone  bred 
dogs  only  as  articles  of  food.  We  are  certain,  at  any  rate,  that 
the  Hurons  trained  dogs  to  aid  in  the  pursuit  and  capture  of 
game,  and  that  they  valued  them  for  this  purpose  even  more  than 
as  food.2 

The  bow  and  arrow,  traps  and  snares  of  various  kinds,  and 
perhaps  the  dog,  were  then  the  chief  means  of  production  used  by 
the  Iroquois  hunter. 

Fishing  also  necessitated  the  creation  of  a  distinct  set  of  imple 
ments,  the  most  characteristic  of  which  were  the  harpoon  and  the 
net.  Although  large  fish  were  frequently  shot  with  an  arrow  by 
a  man  wading  in  a  shallow  stream  or  standing  in  the  bow  of  a 
canoe, 3  yet  the  harpoon4  was  the  weapon  most  often  in  the  hands 
of  the  fisherman.  It  was  made  of  bone  or  horn,  pointed  and 
barbed  on  one  side  or  on  both.  The  size  varied :  one  fine  speci 
men  lately  found  on  a  village  site  in  Monroe  County,  N.  Y. — a 
single-barbed  harpoon  of  elk-horn — measured  nearly  10^  inches 
in  length,  and  was  about  half  an  inch  broad  in  the  middle.  Such 
a  head,  attached  to  a  stout  staff,  might  do  great  execution  in  the 
hands  of  a  skillful  fisherman.  La  Jeune  says  that  "  in  the  eel 
season  a  man  might  spear  three  hundred  in  a  single  night." 
Fish-hooks  do  not  seem  to  have  been  used  to  any  great  extent 
before  the  coming  of  the  whites;6  nevertheless,  a  sort  of  bone 
hook  was  made,,  differing  somewhat  from  that  manufactured  after 
wards  from  the  European  model.  Sagard  describes  the  primitive 

1  Jes.  Rel,  XLII,  95 ;  LVI,  49. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  VI,  299,  303;  XIV,  33;  LVII,  299,  319;  LXIII,  265;  LX,  153. 

3  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  p.  19. 

4  Ibid.,  No.  50,  p.  293-304. 

5  Jes.  Rel.,  VI,  309. 

e  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  50,  pp.  304-311;  Beauchamp, 
"  Iroquois  Trail,"  pp.  92-93. 


WEALTH    OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  49 

Huron  invention  as  "  a  piece  of  wood  and  a  bone,  so  placed  as  to 
form  a  hook,  and  very  neatly  bound  together  with  hemp."  Just 
how  these  articles  were  made  we  get  no  very  good  idea ;  at  any 
rate,  it  seems  certain  that  they  were  not  much  used.  Besides  the 
harpoon,  the  net  was  the  chief  implement  used  in  fishing.  The 
article  itself  was  the  product  of  considerable  labor,  involving  the 
gathering  and  preparation  of  the  hemp  or  bark  fiber  and  its  weav 
ing  into  the  desired  fabric.  The  aid  given  by  the  net  to  the  fisher 
man,  however,  repaid  him  for  the  time  and  pains  spent  in  its 
manufacture.  All  the  Iroquois  made  extensive  use  of  the  net, 
especially  in  the  capture  of  smaller  fish  in  the  rifts  and  shallow 
places  of  streams  where  most  of  their  fishing  camps  were  situated. 
Here  they  could  employ  their  favorite  implement,  either  as  a 
scoop-net  or  as  a  seine.  Nets  were  used  both  summer  and  winter. 
The  Hurons  used  to  fish  by  this  means  through  holes  cut  in  the 
ice.1  The  utility  of  both  nets  and  harpoons  was  greatly  increased 
by  the  use  of  weirs  of  various  kinds  within  which  the  fish  were 
driven  in  great  numbers.2  The  Hurons  often  placed  hurdles  in 
streams,  with  nets  across  the  openings.  The  Oneidas,  according 
to  Mr.  Beauchamp,  "  made  fish-pounds  with  two  rows  of  stakes 
across  streams,  driving  the  fish  into  them  and  killing  them  there." 
The  Iroquois  also  built  stone  fish-weirs,  one  of  which  is  still 
standing  in  the  Seneca  River — a  stone  wall  several  hundred  feet 
in  extent,  and  built  zig-zag  across  the  river.  Considerable  in 
genuity  was  displayed  in  the  construction  of  these  weirs.  In 
1656-7  the  Jesuit  Chronicler  admiringly  remarks :  "  Our  savages 
construct  their  dams  and  sluices  so  well  that  they  catch  at  the 
same  time  the  eels  that  descend  and  the  salmon  that  always 
ascend."  3 

Just  as  hunting  and  fishing  led  to  the  invention  of  certain  im 
plements  of  use  in  these  pursuits,  so  also  the  practice  of  agricul 
ture  caused  the  employment  of  another  special  set  of  tools.  After 

^agard,  p.  259;  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXV,  175. 

Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  p.  75;  Beauchamp,  "Iroquois 
Trail,"  pp.  92-93;  La  Potherie,  III,  34. 

2  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  pp.  76-78. 
*3Jes.  Rel.,  XLIII,  261. 
4 


5<D  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

the  fire  and  the  axe1  had  been  made  to  do  their  part  in  clearing 
the  land,  rakes,  in  the  shape  of  a  big  wooden  hook.,  were  em 
ployed  to  drag  the  brush-wood  along  the  ground  to  the  heap 
where  it  was  to  be  burned.  In  the  roughly  prepared  ground, 
between  the  roots  and  stumps  of  the  trees,  corn  hills  about  three 
feet  in  diameter  and  standing  well  apart  were  heaped  up  by  the 
aid  of  another  wooden  tool.  Lafitau  describes  this  tool  as  "  a 
curved  piece  of  wood,  three  fingers  broad,  attached  to  a  long 
handle." 2  With  this  digging  stick  eight  or  nine  holes  were  made 
in  a  hill,  and  filled  up  again  after  the  seed  had  been  dropped  in. 
Cultivation  was  carried  on  mostly  with  wooden  hoes  :3  sometimes 
a  shell  or  the  shoulder  blade  of  a  deer,  fastened  to  a  wooden 
handle,  might  be  used  instead. 

Thus  each  of  the  great  productive  activities  of  the  Iroquois  led 
to  the  invention  of  certain  necessary  implements.  Because  they 
were  hunters,  they  used  the  bow  and  arrow  and  traps  of  various 
kinds ;  because  they  were  fishers  they  developed  the  idea  of  the 
harpoon,  the  net  and  the  weir ;  as  agriculturists  they  invented  the 
rake,  the  digging  stick,  and  the  hoe ;  and  in  every  branch  of  pro 
duction,  they  used  the  knife  and  the  axe.  All  these  implements 
were  of  the  most  simple  and  primitive  construction ;  nevertheless, 
they  were  made  of  the  most  available  and  easily  manufactured 
material,  and  were  exactly  what  was  needed  for  the  particular 
purpose  for  which  they  were  invented. 

Since  the  articles  thus  far  mentioned  were  the  means  of  pro 
ducing  raw  materials,  they  have  been  called  primary  production- 
goods.  The  subsequent  working  up  of  these  raw  products  into 
finished  consumption-goods  demanded  the  invention  of  another 
set  of  implements,  which  may  be  designated  secondary  produc 
tion-goods. 

First  on  the  list  were  the  articles  used  in  the  preparation  of 
food.  To  kindle  the  fire  over  which  they  cooked  or  smoked  their 
provisions,  the  Iroquois  used  the  weighted  drill  with  spindle- 

*La  Potherie,  III,  18-19;  Lafitau,  II,  109-110;   Champlain,  p.  86. 

2  Lafitau,  II,  75  sq.;  La  Potherie,  III,  19. 

'Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  p.  54;  No.  18,  p.  24. 


WEALTH   OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  5  I 

whorl.1  Cooking  and  eating  utensils,  though  simple,  were  made 
of  the  best  available  material — chiefly  bark,  wood  and  earthen 
ware — and  fulfilled  very  satisfactorily  the  purposes  for  which 
they  were  intended.  "  Our  cooking  and  eating  utensils,"  says 
Mary  Jemison,  "  consisted  of  a  hominy  block  and  pestle,  a  small 
kettle,  a  knife  or  two,  and  a  few  vessels  of  bark  or  wood."2  The 
mortar  and  pestle  were  among  the  most  important  articles  of 
household  furniture.  The  former,  though  sometimes  made  of 
stone,  was  usually  a  tree  trunk  hollowed  out  by  fire,  while  the 
pestle  was  a  piece  of  hard  wood,  larger  at  both  ends  and  smaller 
in  the  middle.  The  wooden  mortar  was  used  to  grind  corn  and 
dried  meats,  while  the  stone  mortar  served  to  crush  nut  shells, 
materials  for  pottery,  and  other  hard  substances.3  Next  to  the 
mortar  in  importance  came  the  earthenware  vessels  in  which  the 
cooking  was  done.  These  pots,  made  of  clay  mixed  with 
pounded  stone  and  shell,  were  spherical  at  the  bottom,  and  usually 
constricted  below  the  top,  having  an  expanded  rim.  There  were 
two  sorts, — common  clay  colored  pottery,  and  the  more  valuable 
black  pottery,  which  was  of  fine  enough  texture  to  admit  of  a 
polish,  and  firm  enough  to  look  like  stone.  According  to  Sagard, 
the  material,  with  a  little  grease  added  to  it,  was  worked  and 
kneaded  by  the  hands  of  the  women  into  a  perfectly  rounded  ball. 
With  the  fist,  a  hole  was  then  made  in  the  material  and  constantly 
enlarged  by  turning  and  slapping  the  outside  of  the  mass  with  a 
little  wooden  paddle,  until  the  vessel  had  assumed  the  desired 
shape.  It  was  then  dried  in  the  sun  and  baked  in  a  fire  made  of 
bark.  "  These  vessels,"  Sagard  says,  "  are  so  strong  that  they 
do  not  break  when  on  the  fire  without  water  in  them.,  as  ours  do, 
but  at  the  same  time  they  cannot  stand  dampness  and  cold  water 
long  without  getting  frail  and  breaking  at  the  least  knock  that 
one  gives  them.  Otherwise  they  are  very  durable." 4  The  early 
writers  mention  only  the  method  of  making  pottery  described  by 

1  Mason,  "  Origin  of  Inventions,"  p.  88. 
2 "  Life  of  Mary  Jemison,"  p.  72. 

3  La  Potherie,  III,  19;  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  18,  p.  32, 
34- 

4  Sagard,  pp.  275-276. 


52  ECONOMICS  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

Sagard.  Mr.  Beauchamp  thinks  that  vessels  were  sometimes 
formed  on  a  kind  of  foundation,  though  just  what  it  might  have 
been,  he  does  not  know.  In  general  the  hand  seems  to  have 
been  employed  without  much  other  aid.  The  method  of  cook 
ing,  whether  by  placing  the  vessel  on  the  fire,  or  by  putting 
red  hot  stones  in  it  until  the  contents  were  brought  to  the  boiling 
point,  is  also  a  matter  of  doubt.  From  Sagard's  account,  the 
former  method  seems  probable.  These  pots  were  also  used  for 
other  purposes  than  the  primary  one  of  cooking.  They  were 
probably  employed  as  water-pails  or  for  holding  a  temporary 
supply  of  grain.  For  the  reception  of  dry  substances,  however, 
the  bark  dish,  tray,  or  barrel  was  most  convenient.  The  bark  tray 
was  used  in  a  number  of  ways,  but  chiefly  in  the  preparation  of 
corn-bread.  It  was  made  of  a  strip  of  elm-bark,  rounded  or 
gathered  up  at  the  ends,  so  as  to  form  a  shallow  concavity. 
Around  the  rim,  splints  of  hickory  were  stitched  to  hold  the  article 
in  shape.  These  trays  were  of  all  sizes,  holding  from  one  to  ten 
pecks.1  The  bark  tub  for  holding  maple  sap  and  for  other  similar 
uses  was  made  in  somewhat  the  same  way.2  The  bark  barrel  in 
which  surplus  stores  were  kept  was  also  made  of  the  inner  rind 
of  the  red-elm  bark,  the  grain  running  around  the  barrel.  It  was 
stitched  firmly  up  the  side,  and  had  the  bottom  and  lid  secured 
in  the  same  manner.3  It  was  very  durable,  and  would  last  for 
years,  if  properly  cared  for.  Other  articles  of  wood  or  similar 
substances  were  the  sieves  used  for  sifting  meal.  These  were 
made  of  twigs,  splints,  or  corn-husks.4  Splint  baskets  of  all  sizes 
were  also  manufactured.  The  articles  used  in  eating  were  also 
mostly  of  wood  or  bark.  Bowls,  pitchers  and  other  vessels  of 
wood,  plates  of  wood  or  of  bark,  spoons  of  wood  and  occasionally 
of  bone  or  of  horn  were  common  in  every  Iroquois  household.5 
To  sum  up, — the  apparatus  for  kindling  the  fire,  the  stone  and 

1  Morgan,  "League,"  p.  367. 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  369-370. 
•Ibid.,  p.  366. 

4  Ibid.,  pp.  382-383;  Lafitau,  II,  86-87. 

6  Beauchamp,    N.    Y.    St.    Mus.    Bui.,    No.    50,    pp.    315    sq. ;    Morgan, 
"League,"  p.  383;  Lafitau,  II,  87;  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXVIII,  247. 


WEALTH   OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  53 

wooden  mortars,  a  few  earthenware  vessels,  bark  and  wooden 
trays,  boxes,  plates,  and  dishes,  besides  the  ever  necessary  knife, 
were  the  chief  instruments  used  by  the  Iroquois  in  the  preparation 
of  their  food. 

The  making  of  clothing  and  coverings  called  for  very  little 
inventive  genius  on  the  part  of  the  Iroquois.  Their  small  textile 
industry  they  carried  on  almost  entirely  without  the  aid  of  tools. 
Lafitau  and  Morgan  describe  for  us  the  process  of  manufacturing 
thread.1  After  the  outer  surface  of  the  bark  had  been  removed, 
the  soft  inner  portion,,  cut  into  narrow  strips  with  the  finger-nail, 
was  boiled  in  ashes  and  water.  When  dry,  it  was  easily  separated 
into  small  filaments  several  feet  in  length.  These  were  then 
rolled  with  the  palm  of'  the  hand  on  the  bare  knee  into  threads  or 
cords  of  any  thickness  and  length.  Neither  spinning  wheels  nor 
distaffs  were  used  to  work  up  the  thread  into  textiles.  School- 
craft  says  that  the  reed  mats  and  such  fabrics  were  probably 
made  with  the  help  of  a  sort  of  bone  shuttle,  a  specimen  of 
which  has  been  found  near  Fort  Niagara,  N.  Y.  This  imple 
ment,  intended  to  introduce  the  woof  of  the  fabric,  Schoolcraft 
describes  as  made  "  of  finely  polished  bone.  It  is  ten  and  a  half 
inches  in  length,  perfectly  round,  about  one-eighth  of  an  inch  in 
thickness,  and  has  a  double-barbed  head  a  quarter  of  an  inch  in 
length.  Between  the  barbs  is  a  mouth  or  slit  which  would  en 
able  it  to  carry  the  thread  across  and  through  the  warp."  2 
Another  implement,  employed  in  making  burden  straps  and  such 
articles,  was  a  sort  of  hickory  needle  with  which  the  bark  thread 
was  knit.3  Aside  from  these  simple  tools,  the  Iroquois  textile 
industry,  limited  as  it  was  by  the  lack  of  any  raw  material  like 
wool  or  cotton,  did  not  necessitate  the  use  of  special  implements. 
The  manufacture  of  skin  articles,  though  comparatively  extensive, 
was  also  of  a  nature  not  likely  to  lead  to  many  inventions.  In 
the  first  place  a  wooden  or  stone  scraper  was  necessary.4  Gen- 

1  Lafitau,  II,  159-160;  Morgan,  "League,"  pp.  364-366. 

Cf.  Sagard,  pp.  250-251;  Eth.  Rep.,  1891-2,  p.  23;  La  Potherie,  III,  34. 

2  Schoolcraft,  "  Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  I,  88. 

3  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  365. 

4  Morgan,  "  League,"  pp.  361-362. 


54  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

erally,  the  Iroquois  employed  a  wooden  blade,  avoiding  here  as 
elsewhere  the  unnecessary  use  of  stone.1  With  this  implement 
the  hair  and  grain  of  the  fresh  deer  skin  was  removed.  This  skin 
was  then  cured  by  soaking  in  a  solution  of  deer  brains  and  subse 
quent  exposure  to  a  smoky  fire,  until  the  pores  were  closed  and 
the  skin  soft  and  pliable.  Bone,  horn,  or  wooden  awls  and 
needles,  with  thread  of  vegetable  fibre  or  sinew,  were  then  em 
ployed  to  sew  the  skin  into  the  desired  shape. 2  "  A  small  bone 
near  the  ankle  joint  of  the  deer,"  says  Mr.  Morgan,  "  has  fur 
nished  the  moccason  needle  of  time  immemorial,  and  the  sinews 
the  thread."3  Bone  needles  were  generally  flat  and  thin,  often 
rounded  at  the  ends,  and  having  two  holes  near  the  centre.  They 
were  in  fact,  more  like  bodkins  than  real  needles.  Most  of  the 
finer  work  was  probably  done  with  the  bone  or  horn  awl,  used  as 
is  a  modern  shoemaker's  instrument.4  A  simple  shuttle,  and  a 
wooden  knitting  needle,  scrapers,  and  wooden  and  bone  awls  and 
bodkins,  then,  were  the  only  inventions  known  or  needed  by  the 
Iroquois  for  use  in  their  textile  industry  and  in  the  manufacture 
of  skin  articles. 

Among  secondary  production-goods  should  also  be  mentioned 
a  third  class  of  inventions  arising  out  of  the  necessity  of  trans 
porting  products  of  all  sorts  frequently  from  one  spot  to  another. 
Fishing  and  hunting  were  generally  carried  on  at  a  distance  from 
the  village,  and  the  surplus  product  had  to  be  carried  home  in 
order  to  be  utilized ;  firewood  and  building  materials  often  had  to 
be  brought  from  a  spot  a  mile  or  so  from  the  village ;  agricultural 
products  were  sometimes  to  be  transported  from  fields  some  dis 
tance  away  from  the  village ;  and  a  general  migration  was  occa 
sionally  necessary:  hence  came  the  invention  of  several  articles 
to  facilitate  transportation  by  land  and  by  water. 

In  the  warm  season,  goods  going  by  land  routes  had  to  be 
carried  for  the  most  part  on  the  back  of  the  individual  himself. 
The  task  was  facilitated,  however,  by  the  use  of  bretelles  and 

1  Beauchamp,  N.  Y,  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16.  p.  64. 

2  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  50.  pp.  312-313.    Lafitau,  II,  160. 
s  Morgan,  "  League,"  pp.  360-361. 

4  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  50.  p.  311. 


WEALTH   OF  THE   IROQUOIS.  55 

burden  straps.1  The  former,  according  to  Lafitau,  were  "  a  sort 
of  wooden  frame  very  convenient  to  lift  a  heavy  load  and  carry 
it  easily."  If  this  were  not  at  hand,  the  goods  were  made  into  a 
package  and  carried  on  the  shoulders  by  means  of  a  burden  strap 
passed  around  the  forehead  or  chest.  The  strap,  woven  with 
warp  and  woof  of  filaments  of  bark,  was  about  fifteen  feet  long 
and  three  or  four  inches  wide  in  the  centre.  In  winter,  when 
snow  lay  on  the  ground,  the  problem  of  land  transportation  was 
more  easily  solved.  Under  these  circumstances  the  hunter  him 
self  travelled  easily  and  swiftly  with  the  aid  of  his  snow-shoes, 
and  at  the  same  time  dragged  a  heavily  loaded  sled.  The  snow- 
shoe,  without  which  the  hunter  of  the  Eastern  Forest  would  have 
been  quite  helpless  in  winter,  and  with  which  he  could  travel  more 
easily  than  in  summer,  was  a  hickory  framework  three  feet  long 
and  sixteen  inches  wide,  bent  round  with  an  arching  front  and 
brought  to  a  point  at  the  heel.  Cross  pieces  held  it  in  shape. 
Within  the  area  was  a  woven  net-work  of  deer  strings,  with  in 
terstices  about  an  inch  square.  To  this  the  ball  of  the  foot  was 
lashed  with  thongs.  The  heel,  however,  was  left  free  to  work  up 
and  down,  while  through  an  opening  left  for  them  the  toes  could 
descend  below  the  surface  of  the  shoe  as  the  heel  was  raised  in 
the  act  of  walking.2  The  sled,  according  to  Lafitau, 3  "  is  made 
of  two  small  and  very  slender  boards,  which  both  together  are 
not  more  than  a  foot  broad,  and  are  six  or  seven  feet  long.  The 
boards  are  bent  upwards  and  turned  backwards  in  front  to  a  dis 
tance  of  about  six  inches,  in  order  to  break  and  turn  aside  the 
snow  which,  piling  up,  would  prevent  the  sled  from  running  easily. 
Two  sticks,  a  little  raised,  run  along  the  whole  length  of  the  sled 
on  both  sides,  and  are  fastened  to  it  at  regular  intervals.  To 
them  are  attached  the  ropes  which  hold  the  load  on  the  sled.  A 
savage,  with  his  collar  passed  over  his  chest,  and  wrapped  in  his 
blanket,  draws  his  heavily  laden  sled  after  him  without  much  diffi 
culty/'4  Bretelles  and  burden-straps,  snow-shoes  and  sleds,  were 

1  Lafitau,  II,  219;  Morgan,  "League,"  pp.  365-366. 
2 Morgan,  "League,"  pp.  3?6-377- 

3  Lafitau,  II,  216-217. 
*  Lafitau,  II,  220. 


56   .  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

the  principal  means  invented  by  the  Indian  for  transportation  by 
land.  For  water  travel  they  had  the  invaluable  bark  canoe. 
Birch  bark  suitable  for  the  purpose  did  not  grow  in  the  Iroquois 
territory ;  hence  the  boats  of  their  own  manufacture  were  generally 
made  of  elm  bark.  A  large  piece  of  the  latter  material  was  shaped 
in  canoe  form,  strengthened  by  a  rim  and  ribs  of  white  ash, 
stitched  into  place  with  thread  or  twine,  and  splints.  Both  ends 
of  the  canoe  were  alike  sharp  and  vertical.  The  size  varied  from 
twelve  to  forty  feet  in  length,  with  a  seating  capacity  of  from 
two  to  thirty  people.1  Mr.  Morgan  says  that  such  a  canoe  would 
last  several  years  if  well  cared  for ;  but  Lafitau,  who  knew  the 
Iroquois  well,  affirms  that  it  could  not  last  more  than  one  season, 
because  of  the  poorness  of  the  workmanship.  The  framework, 
he  says,  was  nothing  but  unfinished  branches,  and  the  whole  thing 
was  so  badly  done  that  "  la  vue  seule  en  fait  mal  au  coeur."2 
Lafitau's  statement  is  perfectly  credible,  since  the  Iroquois  much 
preferred  the  more  durable  birch  bark  canoes  they  bought  of 
the  Algonquins,  and  were  not  likely  to  spend  much  time  upon 
the  easily  warped  elm  bark  affair  of  their  own  manufacture.  The 
canoe  was  nevertheless  one  of  their  most  important  possessions. 
Light  and  easily  propelled,  it  was  to  the  fisherman  and  the  traveller 
what  the  snow-shoe  was  to  the  hunter.3  Travelling,  in  fact,  was 
done  as  much  as  possible  in  the  warm  season,  when  the  many 
streams  and  lakes  of  the  region  offered  the  best  of  highways,  and 
the  canoe  the  most  convenient  of  vehicles. 

To  recapitulate: — the  production-goods  of  the  Iroquois  were 
primarily  such  as  were  needed  to  aid  in  the  obtaining  of  raw 
materials ;  in  other  words,  they  were  the  implements  of  special 
use  in  hunting  or  in  fishing,  or  in  agriculture :  among  their  pos 
sessions  was  also  a  stock  of  secondary  production-goods,  some 
of  which  were  used  to  work  up  raw  materials  into  finished  goods, 
and  others  to  be  of  service  in  transportation. 

1  Morgan,  "League,"  p.  367. 

2  Lafitau,  II,  216-217. 

8  The  Hurons  were  such  expert  canoemen  that  during  the  fishing  season 
they  often  descended  the  St.  Lawrence  River  to  the  Gulf.  Schoolcraft, 
"  Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  I,  305. 


WEALTH   OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  57 

The  consumption-goods  of  the  Iroquois  were  such  as  a  knowl 
edge  of  their  various  productive  activities  and  the  nature  of  their 
implements  would  lead  us  to  expect.  First  and  foremost  were 
articles  of  food.  The  list  included  maize  preparations,  beans  and 
squashes,  meat  and  fish,  fruits,  nuts,  roots,  maple  syrup  and  sugar, 
and  non-intoxicating  beverages  of  various  sorts.  There  were  many 
varieties  of  maize  preparations — more  than  twenty — according  to 
one  of  the  Jesuits.1  Among  the  Senecas  three  kinds  of  corn  were 
raised;  the  white  flint  for  hominy,  the  red  for  storing — charred 
or  dried — and  the  white  for  grinding  into  flour  and  making  bread.2 
Sagamite,  or  corn  parched  in  ashes,,  ground,  and  boiled  with  water, 
formed  the  standard  food  of  the  Iroquois.3  This  "  mush  "  was 
generally  seasoned  with  dried  or  fresh  fish  or  meat,  with  dried 
fruit,4  or,  for  lack  of  better  things,  with  powdered  fish  bones5  or 
wood-ashes.6  One  of  their  most  delicious  preparations  was  saga- 
mite  served  in  a  wooden  plate,  with  two  fingers  of  bear,  sunflower, 
or  nut  oil  poured  over.7  Maple  syrup  was  also  eaten  with  saga- 
mite.8  Corn  meal  was  also  often  made  into  bread.  The  corn  was 
hulled  by  boiling  in  ashes  and  water.  It  was  then  pounded  into 
meal  and  sifted  and  made  with  water  into  loaves  or  cakes  about 
one  inch  thick  and  six  inches  in  diameter.  These  cakes  were 
then  wrapped  in  corn  husks  and  baked  in  the  ashes  or  boiled  in 
water.9  Maize  was  also  eaten  green,  roasted  in  the  husk  or  boiled 
with  beans.  Next  to  maize  in  the  village  bill  of  fare  came  beans, 
pumpkins  and  squashes.  Pumpkins  were  often  boiled  in  water 
and  eaten  as  a  sort  of  porridge,10  while  squashes  were  considered 
especially  good  when  baked  in  hot  ashes.11  On  the  hunt  and  the 

*Jes.  Rel.,  X,  103. 

2  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  370. 

3Jes.  Rel.,  XXXVIII,  245;  Margry,  I,  131. 

4Jes.  Rel.,  LI,  123. 

5Sagard,  p.  286. 

6Jes.  Rel,  XV,  163. 

7  Margry,  I,  131. 

8Lafitau,  II,  157-158. 

'Morgan,  "League,"  pp.  370-372;  Lafitau,  II,  94. 

10  Margry,  I,  123. 

11  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  103. 


58  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

fishing  expedition,  meat  and  fish  became  the  chief  basis  of  sub 
sistence.  "  It  is  a  savage's  supreme  good  to  have  fresh  meat,"'1 
says  Father  Bruyas.  Of  that  good,  however,  they  tasted  only 
during  the  three  or  four  months  of  the  hunting  season,  and  occa 
sionally  at  other  times.  The  surplus  product  was  smoked  and 
dried  and  taken  home  to  be  consumed  mainly  as  seasoning  for 
maize  dishes.  Several  different  beverages  were  in  use  among  the 
Iroquois.  First  came  water;2  next  came  the  broth  of  meat,3 
and  even  pure  oil.  There  were  also  two  or  three  different  kinds 
of  tea;4  for  instance,  the  tips  of  hemlock  boughs  boiled  in  water 
and  seasoned  with  maple  sugar,  boiled  maple  sap  seasoned  with 
sassafras  root,  and  a  drink  made  of  dried  fruit  with  sugar  and 
water.  As  yet,  the  Iroquois  had  not  advanced  far  enough  into  the 
agricultural  stage  to  invent  an  intoxicating  drink. 

Besides  their  food  for  daily  consumption,  the  Iroquois  generally 
had  on  hand  large  stores  of  all  kinds,  particularly  of  maize.  The 
latter  was  preserved  in  various  ways.  Green  corn  was  shaved 
off  the  cob,  baked  over  the  fire  in  pans  or  earthen  dishes,  and 
dried  in  the  sun.5  Red  corn  was  often  picked  when  green,  and 
the  ears  set  up  on  end  in  a  row  to  roast  before  a  long  fire.  They 
were  then  shelled  and  dried  in  the  sun.  These  parched  grains, 
pounded  into  flour  and  mixed  with  maple  sugar,  formed  the  main 
food  of  warriors  on  expeditions  when  hunting  and  fishing  were 
impossible.  Green  corn  was  also  boiled  in  the  husk,  after  which 
the  corn  was  parched,  shelled  from  the  cob,  and  dried  in  the  sun. 6 
This  method  had  especially  good  results  and  the  product  was  kept 
to  be  made  into  sagamite  for  extraordinary  occasions.  Other 
grain  was  harvested  when  ripe,  and  the  ears,  tied  in  bunches, 
hung  up  to  dry.  When  dry  enough,  the  corn  was  shelled  and 
put  away  for  future  use.7  Corn  to  be  used  for  seed  was  left 
hanging  in  the  cabin.  Fish  and  meat  were  also  stored  up  for 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  LI,  129. 
*Jes.  Rel.,  XXXV,  153. 

3  Loskiel,  p.  74. 

4  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  330. 

6  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  373 ;  Lafitau,  II,  157. 

6  Lafitau,  II,  93. 

7  Sagard,  p.  283. 


WEALTH   OF  THE   IROQUOIS.  59 

use  during  the  year.  Drying  and  smoking  were  the  only  means 
of  preservation.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  they  possessed  find  salt 
springs,  the  Iroquois  do  not  seem  to  have  made  the  least  use  of 
salt  until  after  their  acquaintance  with  the  Europeans.1  They 
thought,  in  fact,  that  the  waters  of  the  springs  were  poisonous,  and 
that  the  Europeans  got  salt  from  them  by  a  miracle.2  Besides 
their  stores  of  fish  and  meat,  the  Iroquois  also  kept  quantities  of 
dried  raspberries,  huckleberries,  mulberries,  and  strawberries,  and 
nuts  of  various  kinds.3  Finally,  animal  and  vegetable  oils  were 
tried  out  and  preserved  in  lumps  or  in  little  round  birch  bark 
boxes.4  All  these  supplies  of  grain,  meat,  fruit,  and  vegetables 
were  put  away  in  bark  cases  kept  in  or  near  the  house,  or  were 
buried  in  caches  not  far  away.5  Corn  was  generally  preserved  by 
the  former  method.  Packed  in  bark  barrels,  it  was  put  on  a  high 
scaffolding  where  it  would  be  safe  from  moisture,  or  else  in  the 
garrets  or  vestibules  of  the  houses.  Squashes  and  other  vege 
tables  were  always  buried  in  bark-lined  pits  four  or  five  feet  deep. 
There  they  were  perfectly  preserved  untouched  by  frost.  Smoked 
meat  and  fish  were  generally  made  up  into  bundles  and  wrapped 
in  bark  or  packed  in  bark  cases,  which  were  hung  up  in  the  cabin 
or  buried  under  the  floor  near  the  fire-place.  At  times,  however, 
cured  meat  was  buried  in  pits  lined  with  deer-skins.  Thus  in 
times  of  plenty,  the  Iroquois  bill  of  fare  was  no  mean  one.  Fresh 
meat  and  fish  abounded  in  the  hunting  season,  while  in  the  village, 
maize  dishes  seasoned  with  dried  meat  or  fruits  of  some  sort 
usually  afforded  an  ample  basis  of  subsistence.  In  all  seasons 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  XLI,  p.  125,  note  6;  X,  101. 

Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  p.  75—"  Salt  they  did  not  use, 
and  it  was  distasteful  to  them.  The  Iroquois  now  ascribe  their  degen 
eracy  and  lack  of  manly  vigor  to  using  salt  meat,  instead  of  obtaining 
all  its  fresh  juices,  as  their  ancestors  did." 

2  Loskiel,  pp.  65-66 ;  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  32,  p.  97 ; 
Jes.  Rel.,  XLI,  256. 

*La  Potherie,  III,  20;  Jes.  Rel.,  II,  123;  Bartram,  "Observations,"  p. 

73- 

4  La  Potherie,  III,  19-20 ;  Jes.  Rel.,  XLIII,  note  19. 

5  Carr,  "Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst.  Rep.,  1891,  p.  516;  Lafitau,  II,  79-80;  Mor 
gan,  "League,"  pp.  372-373;  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.   St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.   16, 
PP-  54-55;  Sagard,  pp.  250-251. 


6O  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

there  was  in  the  village  a  generous  stored  surplus  to  be  relied 
upon  in  case  of  need. 

Next  to  food  in  the  list  of  consumption-goods  were  clothing 
and  coverings  of  various  sorts.  Textiles  were  rare  among  the 
Iroquois.  A  few  manufactures  of  reeds  and  corn-husks,  bags 
made  of  hemp  fibre,  and  some  other  articles  of  the  sort,  exhausted 
the  catalogue.  For  most  of  their  articles  of  clothing  and  many 
of  their  mats  and  hangings,  the  Iroquois  utilized  the  skins  which 
they  secured  in  hunting.  Lafitau  describes  the  dress  of  the  or 
dinary  Iroquois  as  consisting  of  about  five  pieces, — the  breech- 
cloth,  the  tunic,  the  leggings,  the  moccasins,  and  the  robe  or 
blanket.1  Of  these  the  breech-cloth  for  the  men,  and  the  short 
petticoat  for  the  women,  were  considered  the  only  absolutely  in 
dispensable  garments.  The  others  were  worn  or  not,  according 
as  inclination  or  the  weather  made  them  desirable.  The  tunic 
was  a  sort  of  sleeveless  chemise  made  of  two  deer  skins,  fringed 
at  top  and  bottom.  When  they  were  travelling  or  in  very  cold 
weather,  the  Iroquois  often  wore  a  pair  of  sleeves.  These 
were  not  attached  to  the  tunic,  but  were  tied  together  by  two 
thongs  which  passed  behind  the  shoulders.  The  leggings  were 
made  of  a  piece  of  skin,  folded  and  sewed  to  fit  the  leg.  The 
Iroquois  shoe  or  moccasin  into  which  the  footless  stockings  were 
tucked,  was  also  of  skin,  without  sole  or  heel,  but  shaped  to 
fit  the  foot.  Sometimes  they  used  for  this  purpose  the  skin  of 
the  elk's  hind  leg,  cutting  it  above  and  below  the  gambrel  joint, 
and  taking  it  off  entire.  "  As  the  hind  leg  of  the  elk  inclines  at 
this  point  nearly  at  a  right  angle,  it  was  naturally  adapted  to  the 
foot,"  says  Mr.  Morgan.  "  The  lower  end  was  sewed  firmly  with 
sinew,  the  upper  part  secured  above  the  ankle  with  deer  strings." 2 
The  robe  mentioned  by  Lafitau  was  a  sort  of  blanket  of  skins. 
Upon  some  of  these  garments  the  hair  was  left  untouched,  while 
others  had  been  cured  and  tanned  in  the  Iroquois  way.  All  sorts 
of  skins  were  used.  One  of  the  favorite  sorts  was  that  of  the 
black  squirrel.  Several  of  these  were  sewed  together,  and  a 
border  of  tails  left  along  the  lower  edge  of  the  garment.  The 

1  Lafitau,  II,  pp.  27-31. 

8  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  361. 


WEALTH   OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  6 1 

robe  was  worn  wrapped  around  the  body,  and  held  by  the  hand 
or  by  a  belt.  A  pocket  or  pouch  of  skin,  suspended  from  the  neck 
by  a  leather  thong,  generally  gave  the  finishing  touch  to  the  Iro- 
quois  wardrobe.1  It  was,  as  we  have  seen,  made  of  materials 
already  secured  as  a  by-product  of  the  food-quest,  and  though 
simple  was  complete  and  comfortable,  and  well  suited  to  the 
climate  and  occupations  of  the  Iroquois. 

The  paraphernalia  of  the  Iroquois  warrior  included  some  other 
articles  of  clothing  in  the  shape  of  armor.2  Before  the  introduc 
tion  of  fire  arms,  shields  were  very  generally  used.  Lafitau  says 
that  they  were  made  of  wicker  or  bark,  covered  with  skins, 
though  some  consisted  only  of  very  thick  skins.  They  were  of 
all  sizes  and  forms.  Armor,  too,  was  effectively  employed  to 
ward  off  arrows  and  blows  from  the  axe.  Lafitau  describes  this 
armor  as  "  a  tissue  of  wood  or  of  little  pieces  of  reed,  cut  in  pro 
portionate  lengths,  pressed  tightly  together,  woven  and  interlaced 
very  neatly  with  little  cords  made  of  deer-skin."  There  were 
three  part  to  such  a  suit, — a  tunic  or  coat  of  mail,  leg  pieces,  and 
arm  pieces.  So  much,  then,  for  clothing.  It  remains  to  inquire 
what  other  defenses  against  weather  and  hostile  beings  were 
possessed  by  the  Iroquois. 

The  dwellings  of  the  Iroquois,  as  of  nearly  all  the  Forest  In 
dians,  were  constructed  of  wood  and  bark,  the  most  convenient 
and  plentiful  material  at  hand.  Even  the  nomad  Algonquins 
were  in  the  habit  of  carrying  around  with  them  rolls  of  bark  with 
which  they  covered  the  light  frame- work  of  their  wigwams. 3  On 
the  hunt  and  the  warpath,  the  Iroquois  used  similar  temporary 
structures.  In  the  villages,  however,  they  built  large  and  per 
manent  houses,  in  which  they  lived  for  the  greater  part  of  the 
year.  Descriptions  of  the  Iroquois  house  are  many,  though  un 
fortunately  they  are  also  various.4  Mr.  Morgan's  description 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  XLIV,  295. 

2  Lafitau,  II,  196-197;  Morgan,  "League,"  pp.  362-364;  Beauchamp,  N. 
Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  pp.  40-42. 

3Le  Clercq,  p.  157  sq.;  Jes.  Rel.,  I,  257;  V,  27;  VII,  35-37- 
4  Lafitau,  II,  10-17;  Sagard,  pp.  250-251;  Jes.  Rel.,  VIII,  105,  107;  Jes. 
Rel.,  XV,  153,  246,  note  4;  XXXVIII,  247;  La  Hontan,  p.  96;  Champlain, 
"Voyages"   (Laverdieres  ed.),  p.  562;   Morgan,  "League,"  pp.  317  sq.; 


62  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

taken  in  connection  with  the  early  French  accounts,  probably  gives 
the  best  idea  of  the  facts :  "  The  ga-no-sote,  or  Bark-house,  was  a 
simple  structure.  When  single  it  was  about  twenty  feet  by  fifteen 
upon  the  ground,  and  from  fifteen  to  twenty  feet  high.  The 
frame  consisted  of  upright  poles  firmly  set  in  the  ground,  usually 
five  upon  the  sides,  and  four  at  the  ends,  including  those  at  the 
corners.  Upon  the  forks  of  these  poles,  about  ten  feet  from  the 
ground,  cross-poles  were  secured  horizontally,  to  which  the  rafters, 
also  poles,  but  more  numerous  and  slender,  were  adjusted.  The 
rafters  were  strengthened  with  transverse  poles,  and  the  whole 
was  usually  so  arranged  as  to  form  an  arching  roof.  After  the 
frame  was  thus  completed,  it  was  sided  up,  and  shingled  with  red 
elm  or  ash  bark,  the  rough  side  out.  The  bark  was  flattened  and 
dried,  and  then  cut  in  the  form  of  boards.  To  hold  these  bark 
boards  firmly  in  their  places,  another  set  of  poles,  corresponding 
with  those  in  the  frame,  were  placed  on  the  outside,  and  by  means 
of  splints  and  bark  rope  fastenings,  the  boards  were  secured  hori 
zontally  between  them  ....  In  like  manner,  the  roof  was  cov 
ered  with  bark  boards,  smaller  in  size,  with  the  rough  side  out, 
and  the  grain  running  up  and  down;  the  boards  being  stitched 
through  and  through  with  fastenings  and  thus  held  between  the 
frames  of  poles,  as  on  the  sides.  In  the  centre  of  the  roof  was 
an  opening  for  smoke,  the  fire  being  upon  the  ground  in  the  centre 
of  the  house,  and  the  smoke  ascending  without  the  guidance  of  a 
chimney.  At  the  ends  of  the  house  were  doors,  either  of  bark 
hung  upon  hinges  of  wood,  or  of  deer  or  bear  skins  suspended 
before  the  opening ;  and  however  long  the  house,  or  whatever  the 
number  of  fires,  these  were  the  only  entrances.  Over  one  of  these 
doors  was  cut  the  tribal  (gentile)  device  of  the  head  of  the  family. 
Within,  upon  two  sides,  were  arranged  wide  seats,  also  of  bark 
boards,  about  two  feet  from  the  ground,  well  supported  under 
neath,  and  reaching  the  entire  length  of  the  house.  Upon  these 
they  spread  their  mats  of  skins,  and  also  their  blankets,  using  them 
as  seats  by  day  and  couches  at  night.  Similar  berths  were  con 
structed  on  each  side,  about  five  feet  above  these,  and  secured  to 

"Houses  and  Houselife,"  pp.  120,  123  sq. ;  Schoolcraft,  IV,  340;  Beau- 
champ,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  32,  p.  24. 


WEALTH   OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  63 

the  frame  of  the  house,  thus  furnishing  accommodations  for  the 
family.  Upon  cross-poles,  near  the  roof,  was  hung  in  bunches, 
braided  together  by  the  husks,  their  winter  supply  of  corn. 
Charred  and  dried  corn  and  beans  were  generally  stored  in  bark 
barrels  and  laid  away  in  corners.  Their  implements  for  the  chase, 
domestic  utensils,  weapons,  articles  of  apparel,  and  miscellaneous 
notions,  were  stowed  away,  and  hung  up,  wherever  an  unoccupied 
place  was  discovered.  A  house  of  this  description  would  accom 
modate  a  family  of  eight."  Mr.  Morgan  is  here  describing  a  house 
for  a  single  family.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Iroquois  houses  were 
generally  built  for  occupancy  by  several  families.  In  that  case  the 
cabin  was  made  longer  by  twenty  or  twenty-five  feet  for  every  new 
fire.  The  fires  were  built  along  the  central  passage  running  from 
one  end  of  the  cabin  to  the  other.  Each  was  used  by  two  families, 
one  on  each  side.  A  cabin  might  contain  eight  or  ten  fires,  and  as 
many  as  sixteen  or  twenty  families.  In  the  spaces  between  the 
platforms,  were  kept  extra  mats  and  cases  of  provisions.  In  such  a 
house,  Lafitau  says,  a  separate  apartment  was  often  left  at  each  end 
where  the  young  men  of  the  household  slept.  Passing  over  one 
or  two  details  mentioned  by  Lafitau  and  omitted  by  Mr.  Morgan, 
we  find  that  a  few  rather  more  important  features  of  the  Long- 
house  have  been  neglected  or  misunderstood  by  the  latter  author. 
For  instance,  Mr.  Morgan  makes  no  mention  of  the  exterior  vesti 
bules  built  at  either  end  of  the  cabin.  Yet  these  were  important 
parts  of  the  dwelling,  both  as  places  of  storage  and  as  general 
living-rooms  in  summer.  Lafitau  says  "  their  exterior  vestibule 
is  closed  in  winter  with  bark,  and  serves  them  for  storing  their 
larger  fire-wood,  but  in  summer  they  open  it  on  all  sides  to  get  the 
breeze.  During  the  hot  weather,  many  put  their  mats  on  the  roofs 
of  these  vestibules,  which  are  flat.  They  sleep  thus  in  the  open 
air,  without  being  troubled  by  the  dew."  Morgan  seems  to  be 
wrong  in  stating  that  the  upper  platform  of  bark,  running  along 
the  side  of  the  room,  was  used  as  a  bed.  Lafitau  calls  this  "  le 
ciel  du  lit,"  and  says  that  "  it  takes  the  place  of  closets  and  pan 
tries,  where  they  put  in  plain  sight  their  dishes  and  all  the  little 
utensils  of  their  menage." 

The  necessity  of  defense  did  not  allow  the  dispersion  of  the 


64  ECONOMICS   OF   THE  IROQUOIS. 

Iroquois  houses,  so  that  each  might  stand  in  the  centre  of  its  own 
fields.  On  the  contrary,  the  settlement  took  the  form  of  a  closely 
built  and  irregularly  arranged  group  of  from  forty  to  one  hun 
dred  and  forty  dwellings  of  all  sizes,  the  whole  surrounded  by  a 
trench  and  pallisade,  the  latter  often  supported  by  an  earthen 
wall.1  There  are  many  descriptions  of  the  fortified  Iroquois 
town.2  Lafitau's  is  perhaps  the  most  complete.3  "  They  choose 
pretty  well  the  site  of  their  villages.  They  locate  them  as  far  as 
possible,  in  the  centre  of  some  good  lands  on  some  little  hillock 
which  gives  them  a  view  of  the  surrounding  country,  for  fear  of 
being  surprised,  and  on  the  bank  of  some  stream  which,  if  it  is 
possible,  winds  around  the  spot,  and  forms,  as  it  were,  a  natural 
moat  in  addition  to  the  fortifications  which  art  can  add  to  a  site 
already  well  defended  by  nature.  They  leave  in  the  centre  of  their 
villages  a  place  large  enough  for  public  assemblies.  The  cabins 
are  pretty  closely  packed  together,  which  exposes  them  to  the 
continual  danger  of  fire,  since  they  are  made  of  such  inflammable 
material.  Their  streets  are  not  very  regular,  each  one  building 
where  the  ground  seems  most  unincumbered  and  least  stony. 
The  most  exposed  villages  are  fortified  with  a  palisade  from  fif 
teen  to  twenty  feet  high,  and  composed  of  a  triple  row  of  stakes. 
The  middle  row  is  planted  straight  and  perpendicular,  the  others 
are  crossed  and  interlaced, — and  lined  everywhere  with  large  and 
strong  pieces  of  bark,  to  a  height  of  ten  or  twelve  feet.  Along 
the  inside  of  this  palisade  there  runs  a  sort  of  platform,  supported 
by  wooden  forks  stuck  in  the  ground.  Here  at  fixed  intervals  they 
put  sentry-boxes,  which  in  time  of  war  they  fill  with  stones  to 
prevent  the  scaling  of  the  wall,  and  with  water  to  put  out  fire. 
The  platform  is  ascended  by  means  of  notched  tree  trunks,  which 
serve  as  ladders.  The  palisade  also  has  openings  like  battlements. 

xjes.  Rel.,  I,  21 ;  VII,  299;  XV,  153;  Greenhalgh,  Doc.  Hist,  of  N.  Y., 
I,  13;  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  p.  11;  Carr,  "Mounds," 
Sm.  Inst.  Rep.,  1891,  p.  592. 

2  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  32,  p.  69;  Charlevoix,  I,  12; 
Jes.  Rel.,  XXXIV,  pp.  123,  250;  La  Hontan,  "Voyages,"  II,  p.  96;  Sagard, 
pp.  79-8o;  Morgan,  "League,"  pp.  313-314;  Carr,  "Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst. 
Rep.,  1891,  p.  592. 

3Lafitau,  II,  3  sq. 


WEALTH   OF  THE  IROQUOIS.  65 

The  nature  of  the  site  determines  the  shape  of  their  enclosure. 
There  are  some  polygons,  but  the  majority  are  round  and  elliptical 
in  form.  The  palisade  has  but  one  exit,  through  a  narrow  gate 
cut  slanting  and  closed  with  cross  bars,  through  which  one  is 
forced  to  pass  sideways.  They  take  care  also  to  leave  a  pretty 
broad  empty  space  between  the  palisade  and  the  cabins."  Evi 
dently,  the  village  with  its  large  and  carefully  built  houses,  and  its 
elaborate  fortifications,  represented  no  small  part  of  the  wealth  of 
the  Iroquois. 

The  wealth  of  the  Iroquois,  then,  speaking  from  the  concrete 
point  of  view,  was  a  collection  of  economic  goods  procured  from 
their  environment  chiefly  by  means  of  hunting,  fishing,  and  agri 
culture.  Of  these  commodities,  a  part  was  valuable  as  acquisi 
tive  capital,  either  in  the  obtaining  of  raw  materials,  or  in  work 
ing  up  the  latter  into  finished  articles.  The  nature  of  these 
production-goods  was  directly  determined  by  the  peculiarities  of 
the  Iroquois  environment  and  by  the  different  productive  activities 
which  called  them  into  being.  Thus  since  wood  and  bone  were 
easy  to  obtain  and  to  put  into  the  desired  shape,  these  materials 
were  used  whenever  they  could  accomplish  the  purpose  in  view. 
Stone,  on  the  other  hand,  was  used  only  when  necessary,  as  in 
the  manufacture  of  axes.  Since  the  Iroquois  had  three  chief 
means  of  production,  they  also  had  three  special  sets  of  Primary 
Production-goods;  as,  for  instance,  bows  and  arrows  and  traps 
for  hunting,  harpoons  and  nets  for  fishing,  and  rakes,  digging 
sticks  and  hoes  for  field  work.  Secondary  production-goods  were 
also  divided  into  classes  corresponding  to  the  needs  of  the  industry 
in  which  they  were  employed.  Thus  one  set  of  implements  was 
used  in  the  preparation  of  food,  another  in  the  manufacture  of 
clothing,  and  a  third  in  the  business  of  transportation.  Con 
sumption-goods — food,  clothing,  and  shelter — were  all  such  as 
could  be  obtained  by  a  hunting  and  fishing,  and  predominantly 
agricultural  people,  using  the  means  of  production  described  above. 
Maize  preparations  of  various  sorts  were  the  staple  food  of  the 
village,  and  made  up  the  bulk  of  the  stored  surplus ;  but  meats  and 
fish  were  the  chief  food  during  the  hunting  and  fishing  season,  and 
supplemented  maize  as  a  part  of  the  stock  laid  up  for  future  needs. 
5 


66  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

Undoubtedly  field  produce  formed  the  larger  part  of  this  portion 
of  the  wealth  of  the  Iroquois,  while  the  animal  world  supplied  the 
material  of  which  clothing  was  made.  Dwellings  were  constructed 
of  wood  and  bark;  those  used  during  the  hunting  season  were 
small  and  portable,  like  the  ordinary  wigwam  of  the  purely  hunt 
ing  tribe ;  those  of  the  village,  on  the  other  hand,  were  of  the  sort 
characteristic  of  a  settled  agricultural  people.  In  other  words, 
the  village  dwellings  were  large  and  permanent  houses,  carefully 
built,  and  surrounded  by  a  strong  palisade.  All  these  goods  were 
valuable ;  i.  e.  they  were  important  to  their  owners  in  proportion 
to  the  amount  of  effort  involved  in  their  production.  As  a  gen 
eral  thing,  the  sources  of  supply  were  practically  unlimited  and 
access  to  them  was  free  to  all.  Hence  labor  cost  was  the  only 
factor  determining  value. 

Generally  speaking,  the  Iroquois  notion  of  wealth  went  no 
farther  than  the  concrete  concept  from  the  standpoint  of  which 
we  have  been  speaking.  Wealth  to  them  meant  merely  a  collec 
tion  of  freely  reproducible  goods  each  valuable  mainly  on  ac 
count  of  its  usefulness  to  its  owner  and  its  labor  cost;  never 
theless,  the  faint  beginnings  of  the  phenomenon  which  Professor 
Keasbey  calls  Prestige  Value,1  and  the  consequent  concept  of 
wealth  as  an  abstract  fund  to  be  measured  in  terms  of  a  standard 
of  value,  are  plainly  perceptible.  There  was  one  article  known 
to  the  Iroquois,  the  amount  of  which  was  limited  and  the  value 
of  which  was  general  and  social  and  did  not  decrease  under 
accumulation ;  wampum  was  an  object  "  both  lasting  and  scarce, 
and  so  valuable  as  to  be  hoarded  up."'2  The  estimation  in  which 
wampum  was  held  was  based  primarily  upon  its  usefulness  as  an 
ornament.  Mr.  Holmes 3  says  that  for  this  purpose  "  the  flinty 
substances  of  the  shells  of  mollusks  has  been  a  favorite  material 
at  all  times  and  with  all  peoples.  Especially  is  this  true  of  the 
shell-loving  natives  of  North  America  among  whom  shell  beads 
have  been  in  use  far  back  into  the  prehistoric  ages,  and  who  to 
day  from  Oregon  to  Florida  burden  themselves  to  discomfort  with 

1  Keasbey,  "  Prestige  Value,"  Q.  J.  Econ.,  XVII,  May,  1903. 

2  Cf.  Keasbey,  "  Prestige  Value,"  Q.  J.  Econ,  XVII,  May,  1903. 

3  Holmes,  Eth.  Rep.,  1880-1881,  p.  219. 


WEALTH    OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  6/ 

multiple  strings  of  their  favorite  ornament ;  and  this,  too,  without 
any  reference  to  their  value  as  money."  ..."  On  the  necks  of 
brawny  and  unkempt  savages,  I  have  seen  necklaces  that  would 
not  shame  a  regal  wardrobe,  and  have  marvelled  at  the  untaught 
appreciation  of  beauty  displayed."  The  Iroquois  were  not  behind 
the  other  nations  in  their  love  of  shell  ornaments.  Their  women 
and  even  their  men  wore  necklaces,  bracelets,  belts,  and  hair- 
ornaments  made  of  violet  and  white  shell  beads  of  various  sizes 
and  shapes — round,  oval,  or  cylindrical — strung  on  a  fibre  or 
sinew  thread.1  Cut  in  the  form  of  sticks,  it  was  also  worn  thrust 
through  the  lobes  of  the  ears.2 

Besides  its  aesthetic  value,  however,  wampum  possessed  a  cer 
tain  prestige  value  based  upon  the  fact  that  it  was  not,  so  far  as  the 
Iroquois  were  concerned,  a  freely  reproducible  good.  In  the  first 
place,  the  supply  was  limited  to  a  certain  locality,  chiefly  along  the 
Atlantic  coast,  to  which  the  Iroquois  did  not  have  direct  access. 
Hence  the  greater  part  of  their  wampum  had  to  be  obtained  in  a 
roundabout  way,  through  the  coast  tribes  who  manufactured  it. 
In  the  second  place,  even  though  the  Iroquois  had  possessed  an 
unlimited  supply  of  the  raw  material  close  at  hand,  the  prohibitive 
labor  cost  involved  in  cutting  out,  perforating,  and  polishing  the 
beads,  would  have  given  them  a  scarcity  value.3  Naturally,  the 
more  such  ornaments  an  individual  possessed,  the  greater  the 
prestige  he  enjoyed.  Hence  it  became  an  object  in  itself  to  be 
known  as  the  owner  of  much  wampum.  Here,  at  last,  was  some 
thing  whose  value  did  not  decrease  with  accumulation.  A  man 
could  not  make  use  of  more  than  one  house  or  of  more  than  a 
certain  amount  of  meat  or  corn,  but  he  could  always  find  a  use 
for  wampum.  Even  after  he  had  decorated  everything  and  every 
body  that  belonged  to  him,  and  the  utility  of  his  wampum  as  an 

^es.  Rel.,  XIV,  163;  XV,  155,  205;  XLIV,  289,  291;  Lafitau,  II,  59; 
Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  41,  pp.  326  sq.,  356  sq. ;  Holmes, 
Eth.  Rep.,  1880-1881,  pp.  230  sq. ;  Schoolcraft,  "  Notes  on  the  Iroquois," 
p.  144. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  XL,  205. 

3  Woodward,  "Wampum,"  pp.  16  sq. ;  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui., 
pp.  137,  148;  No.  41,  pp.  330  sq. ;  Jes.  Rel.,  VIII,  Notes,  pp.  312  sq. 


68  ECONOMICS   OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

ornament  had  sunk  to  the  zero  point,  still  he  could  lay  up  the  sur 
plus  in  his  cabin,  and  thereby  gain  prestige  among  his  poorer 
neighbors.  It  is  interesting  to  note  how  far  its  prestige  value  had 
led  the  Iroquois  and  Hurons  to  regard  wampum  as  the  measure 
of  wealth  in  general.  A  certain  Huron,  for  instance,  mentioned 
by  the  Jesuit  Relation,1  returns  from  a  six  months'  trading  journey 
with  his  gross  receipts  entirely  in  the  form  of  wampum  beads,  of 
which  he  had  fourteen  thousand.  He  reckons  all  his  wealth  in 
terms  of  wampum,  and  says  "  that  if  he  were  richer  "  he  would 
give  a  larger  sum  to  the  missionaries.  Again,  we  find  a  man 
spoken  of  as  left  in  deep  destitution,  "  having  seen  his  porcelain 
collars  and  all  that  he  had,  taken."2  A  wampum  collar  or  belt 
was  as  tempting  a  bribe  to  the  Iroquois  or  Huron,  as  a  good  sized 
checque  is  now  to  the  modern  politician.  It  required  a  stout 
struggle  to  refuse  it.  Thus  an  honest  Huron  remarks,  "  We  have 
nothing  so  precious  as  our  porcelain  collars :  if  I  were  to  see  a 
score  of  them  glittering  before  me,  to  entice  me  into  sin  ...  my 
heart  would  have  loathing  for  that  in  which  it  has  so  much 
delighted."8  On  another  occasion,  a  converted  woman,  trans 
ported  to  the  heights  of  enthusiasm,  exclaims  "  My  God  ...  I 
would  rather  trample  under  foot  a  thousand  porcelain  collars  than 
commit  a  single  sin  against  you."4  Finally,  we  have  again  and 
again  the  direct  testimony  of  the  Jesuits  that  "  All  the  riches  of 
the  country  "  were  comprised  in  the  "  bracelets,  crowns,  and  all 
the  ornaments  worn  by  the  women."5  True,  it  is  only  with  the 
private  appropriation  of  such  great  natural  resources  as  land  and 
cattle,  and  the  full  development  of  the  Proprietary  Period  that 
the  phenomenon  of  prestige  value  and  the  ability  to  measure 
wealth  as  an  abstract  fund  to  be  expressed  in  terms  of  some  unit 
of  value  makes  its  permanent  appearance;  nevertheless,  it  was 
the  same  principle,  working  under  less  favorable  circumstances 
which  produced  even  among  the  Iroquois  a  faint  prototype  of 
future  things. 

ajes.  Rel.,  XXXIII,  185. 
2Jes.  Rel.,  XVI,  205. 

Jes.  Rel.,  XX,  223. 

Jes.  Rel.,  XXVI,  227. 
Jes.  Rel.,  XLII,  155.     Cf.  VIII,  259,  273;  IX,  281;  XXXVIII,  271. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  WEALTH. 

The  system  according  to  which  the  wealth  of  the  Iroquois  was 
distributed  was  an  exact  reflexion  of  their  system  of  organization 
for  production.  Looking  from  above  downward,  we  find  the 
Confederacy  exercising  a  sort  of  general  control  over  the  whole 
territorial  area  occupied  by  the  Iroquois  tribes  and  over  that  of 
subject  nations.  In  order  to  meet  necessary  expenses,  the  Con 
federacy  also  possessed  a  treasury  of  its  own,  filled  by  tributes 
exacted  from  dependent  peoples,  and  by  gifts  from  the  Iroquois 
tribes  themselves.  Within  the  area  controlled  by  the  Confederacy, 
each  tribe  also  occupied  its  own  territorial  district,1  and  possessed 
a  treasury  of  its  own,  kept  full  by  contributions  from  various 
sources.  Presents  from  outsiders  and  from  individual  Iroquois 
who  wished  to  gain  influence  over  the  tribe  formed  one  source  of 
supply:2  the  gentes,  however,  were  the  chief  contributors.3  The 
contents  of  the  treasury  consisted  primarily  of  wampum.  Besides 
that  commodity,  the  treasury  also  contained  skins,  corn  meal,  meat, 
and  anything  else  that  could  be  used  toward  the  payment  of  tribal 
expenses ;  as  for  instance,  in  the  entertainment  of  ambassadors, 
and  the  confirmation  of  treaties.4  Captives  were,  also,  sometimes 
kept  as  tribal  property,  instead  of  being  given  to  some  gens.5 

Within  the  tribal  domain,  every  one  had  an  equal  right  to  hunt- 

*La  Hontan,  "Voyages,"  II,  175 — "Les  sauvages  se  font  la  guerre  au 
sujet  de  la  chasse  ou  du  passage  sur  leurs  terres,  parceque  les  limites 
sont  reglees,  chaque  nation  connait  les  bornes  de  son  pais."  Cf.  Morgan, 
"League"  (ed.  1901),  II,  272-273;  Morgan,  "Houses  and  Houselife,"  p. 
79;  Schoolcraft,  "Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  I,  278;  Margry,  V,  395;  Jes.  Rel., 
XII,  189. 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  XXIX,  57,  271;  X,  235. 

8  Jes.  Rel.,  LVIII,  185,  187. 

*  Lafitau,  I,  508. 

6  Ibid. t  II,  261-262. 

69 


7<D  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

ing  and  fishing  privileges  and  the  use  of  land  for  cultivation.  As 
regards  game  rights  and  fishing  stations  the  distributive  unit 
might  be  either  the  individual  father  of  each  family,  or  it  might 
be  the  men's  clan,  according  as  the  productive  organization  was 
the  family  or  the  clan :  a  single  hunter  had  a  right  to  as  much  of 
the  produce  of  his  labor  as  he  could  carry  away.1  Similarly  a 
solitary  fisherman  who  "  has  discovered  a  lake  or  a  good  fishing 
place  or  a  Beaver  dam,  is  owner  of  it;  he  marks  the  place,  and 
no  one  disputes  his  right  to  it."2  On  the  other  hand,  when  the 
hunt  or  the  fishing  expedition  was  carried  on  by  a  cooperative 
group,  that  group  or  clan  was  regarded  as  the  collective  owner 
of  the  produce.  "  Each  hunting  and  fishing  party,"  says  Mr. 
Morgan,  "  made  a  common  stock  of  the  capture." 3  "  If  they 
travel  in  company,"  says  Loskiel,4  "  they  have  all  things  in  com 
mon.  They  usually  appoint  one  to  be  their  leader,  and  the  young 
men  hunt  by  the  way.  If  they  kill  a  deer,  they  bring  it  to  the 
rendez-vous,  lay  it  down  by  the  fire,  and  expect  that  the  leader 
will  distribute  it  among  the  whole  party."  Fishing  rights  were 
distributed  according  to  a  similar  plan.  Only  certain  places  were 
suitable  for  fishing  with  weirs,  nets,  and  harpoons.  Of  these 
natural  monopolies,  the  tribe  was  the  owner,  while  possessory 
rights  were  claimed  temporarily  by  individual  clans.  In  1753 
Zeisburger  found  between  Oneida  and  Cross  Lakes,  six  weirs 
owned  by  the  Onondagas.  On  the  Seneca  River  he  went  from 
one  to  another.  At  the  eastern  station  he  met  an  Onondaga  chief 
who  told  him  how  the  country  was  divided.  "  It  is  plain  to  be 
seen,"  he  concludes,  "  that  they  have  much  order  in  their  affairs. 
For  instance,  each  one  has  his  own  place  where  he  is  permitted 
to  fish,  and  no  one  is  allowed  to  invade  upon  his  part."5  The 
Oneida  annual  fishing  feast  is  another  good  example  of  the  per 
fect  system  of  clan  distribution.  "  When  all  were  assembled," 
says  Mr.  Beauchamp,6  "  a  row  of  stakes  was  placed  across  the 

1  Loskiel,  p.  78. 

2  La  Potherie,  III,  33. 

'Morgan,  "Houses  and  House  Life,"  p.  67. 

4  Loskiel,  p.  102. 

5  Cf.  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  50,  p.  297. 

6  Beauchamp,  "  Iroquois  Trail,"  p.  92. 


DISTRIBUTION   OF   WEALTH.  /I 

stream  and  woven  with  branches.  Then  the  fish  were  driven 
down  the  Creek,  and  another  row  of  stakes  was  placed  behind 
them.  When  this  was  done,  the  spearing  commenced,  and  the 
division  of  fish  and  the  feast  followed."  In  the  hunting  and 
fishing  season,  then,  either  the  family  or  the  mens'  clan  formed 
the  unit  of  distribution  according  as  the  domestic  or  the  clan 
system  of  production  was  adopted.  Since,  however,  we  know 
that  the  latter  method  was  the  more  usual  among  the  Iroquois, 
we  are  justified  in  asserting  that  the  clan  principle  of  distribution 
was  predominant  even  as  regards  hunting  and  fishing  products. 
In  treating  of  cultivated  land,  Powell  and  others  always  speak 
of  the  gens  as  the  proprietory  group ;  nevertheless,  it  must  be 
remembered  that  not  the  collection  of  relatives  known  as  the  gens, 
but  only  the  female  members  of  the  kindred  group,  were  the  real 
possessors  of  the  land.  The  men  of  the  gens  had  no  part  at  all 
in  the  control  of  the  fields  from  which  they  derived  their  vegetable 
food.  Brothers  and  sons,  though  just  as  much  members  of  the 
gens  as  are  their  mothers  and  sisters,  "  never  have  anything  but 
their  subsistence,"  Lafitau  tells  us,1  "  and  have  nothing  to  say  as 
to  the^distribution  of  the  land  and  its  produce."2  Understanding 
the  word  "  gens,"  as  conveying  the  meaning  which  Professor 
Keasbey  puts  into  the  term  "  clan,"3  we  get  from  Major  Powell4 
a  very  good  idea  of  the  general  laws  of  distribution  in  regard 
to  cultivated  land.  "  Within  the  area  claimed  by  the  tribe,"  he 
says,  "  each  gens  (clan)  occupies  a  smaller  tract  for  purpose  of 
cultivation.  The  right  of  the  gens  to  cultivate  a  particular  tract 
is  a  matter  settled  in  the  council  of  the  tribe,  and  the  gens  may 
abandon  one  tract  for  another  only  with  the  consent  of  the  tribe. 
The  women  councillors  partition  the  gentile  land  among  the 
householders,  and  the  household  tracts  are  distinctly  marked  by 
them.  The  ground  is  repartitioned  once  in  two  years.  The  heads 

1  Lafitau,  I,  72-73. 
2Jes.  Rel.,  LX,  45. 

3  Keasbey,  "  Inst.  of  Society,"  International  Mo.,  I,  355  sq. 

4  Powell,  "Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  p.  65.     Cf.   Morgan, 
"League,"  p.  326;  Anc.  Soc.,  pp.  76-77;  "Houses  and  House  Life,"  pp. 
66-67;  La  Potherie,  III,  33;   Carr,  "Mounds,"   Sm.   Inst.  Rep.,  1891,  p. 
527. 


72  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

of  the  households  are  responsible  for  the  cultivation  of  their  own 
tracts,  and  in  case  of  neglect,  the  council  of  the  gens  calls  the 
responsible  parties  to  account."  It  seems  clear  that  possessory 
rights  to  cultivated  land  within  the  tribal  area  belonged  to  the 
women's  clans.  Within  the  clan,  land  was  divided  among  the 
different  households  according  to  their  size.  In  case  a  family  or 
household  moved  away  to  another  village,  the  land  which  its 
female  members  had  previously  been  cultivating  simply  reverted 
to  the  clan,  and  was  disposed  of  as  its  officials  saw  fit.  The  same 
general  rule  that  governed  the  distribution  of  land  and  its  pro 
duce,  held  good  in  the  case  of  other  immovable  possessions, — 
such  as  houses.  The  latter  were,  in  the  last  resort,  the  property 
of  the  women's  clan.  Only  as  a  member  of  the  organization  did 
any  woman  have  a  right  to  a  compartment  in  the  Longhouse. 
Thus,  while  in  the  hunting  season  the  men's  clan  tended  to  be 
the  distributive  unit,  in  the  village,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  the 
women's  organization  which  controlled  the  surplus  and  repre 
sented  the  owning  class. 

To  the  strength  of  the  clan  principle  of  distribution  may 
also  be  ascribed  the  nature  of  the  Iroquois  laws  of  inheritance. 
Since  the  individual  member  of  the  women's  clan  possessed 
only  the  usufruct  of  lands,  houses,  etc.,  the  organization  would 
naturally  be  her  heir.  Generally,  however,  the  clan  found  it  con 
venient  to  act  merely  as  administrator,  giving  to  the  daughter 
or  nearest  female  relative  of  the  deceased  the  vacant  place  in  its 
ranks.  Of  the  personal  property  of  the  dead  woman, — the  imple 
ments,  cooking  utensils,  etc.,  a  few  were  buried  with  her;  the 
rest  went  also  to  her  near  relatives.1  Similarly,  a  man's  personal 
property,  his  hunting  and  fishing  implements,  his  clothing,  etc., 
was  inherited  by  the  military  clan  to  which  he  belonged,  and  was 
generally  given  to  his  nearest  male  relative  in  that  clan ;  i.  e.  to 
his  sister's  son  or  his  brother.  A  man's  own  son  belonged  to 
another  gens,  and  hence  to  another  military  clan;  therefore,  he 
could  lay  claim  to  none  of  the  possessions  of  the  deceased.2  From 

'Powell,  "Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  i879-'8o,  p.  65;  Chadwick, 
"People  of  the  Longhouse,"  p.  57;  La  Potherie,  III,  33;  Jes.  Rel.,  LXIII, 
183;  Lafitau,  I,  72-73. 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  XLIV,  305-307. 


DISTRIBUTION   OF   WEALTH.  73 

the  point  of  view  of  inheritance,  then,  the  clan  rather  than  the 
organic  family,  stands  out  preeminent.  The  women's  clan  was 
the  heir  of  any  of  its  members;  the  men's  clan  played  the  same 
part  in  regard  to  individuals  belonging  to  its  ranks.  Here  we 
have  the  solution  of  the  apparently  arbitrary  custom,  according 
to  which  women  inherited  from  their  mothers,  but  men  from  their 
uncles. 

The  influence  of  the  clan  principle  of  distribution  upon  the 
consumption  group  is  evident  in  the  Iroquois  economy.  It  must 
be  admitted  that  under  almost  any  circumstances  it  is  not  only 
possible  but  probable  that  the  family  will  remain  the  consumption 
group.  In  the  domestic  and  village  economy  this  is  inevitably 
the  case.  Even  in  the  typical  republican  and  communal  clan 
economies  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  clan  members  from  taking 
their  share  of  the  produce  and  consuming  it  in  company  with 
their  own  families  and  those  dependent  upon  them.  Undoubtedly 
this  was  often  the  case  among  the  Iroquois  during  the  hunting 
season ;  nevertheless,  when  no  women  accompanied  the  party  the 
men's  clan  must  have  consumed  as  such.  Even  after  the  return 
to  the  village,  the  men's  clan  generally  appropriated  most  of  the 
fresh  meat  and  fish  brought  back  and  consumed  it  in  a  constant 
succession  of  feasts,  in  which  the  women  had  no  part.  Sometimes, 
indeed,  a  benevolent  male  relative  might  save  his  portion  for  them, 
but  aside  from  these  exceptions,  women  who  stayed  in  the  village 
were  not  likely  to  eat  fresh  meat  from  one  end  of  the  year  to  the 
other.1  In  the  ordinary  village  life,  also,  the  fact  that  there  were 
two  clans — the  warriors'  and  the  women's — seems  to  have  had  a 
tendency  to  cause  the  consumption  group  to  identify  itself  with 
these  organizations.  The  typical  Iroquois  household  was  composed 
not  of  a  husband  and  wife  and  their  children,  but  of  a  group  of 
females,  young  and  old,  representing  several  generations,  together 
with  their  brothers.  In  other  words,  the  household  or  consump 
tion  group  was  made  up  of  a  portion  or  even  the  whole  of  a 
women's  clan,  and  a  corresponding  portion  of  the  warriors'  clan 
of  the  same  gens.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  two  organiza- 

"Jes.  Rel.,  XVII,  113;  VIII,  143;  Beauchamp,  "Iroquois  Trail,"  p.  92; 
Jes.  Rel.,  XV,  183;  LXXII,  328. 


74  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

tions  kept  separate,  even  as  to  the  time  of  eating,  "  the  men  eating 
first  and  by  themselves,  and  the  women  and  children  afterwards 
and  by  themselves."  Thus  even  as  a  consumption  group  the 
clan  had  become  prominent  among  the  Iroquois.1 

It  seems  impossible  that  under  the  communistic  regime  which 
has  been  described,  any  sort  of  division  into  classes  of  rich  and 
poor  could  take  place.  In  general,  the  evidence  on  the  subject 
tends  to  substantiate  this  view.  In  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1656, 
we  read :  "  No  hospitals  are  needed  among  them,  because  there 
are  neither  mendicants  nor  paupers  as  long  as  there  are  any  rich 
people  among  them.  Their  kindness,  humanity  and  courtesy  not 
only  make  them  liberal  with  what  they  have,  but  cause  them  to 
possess  hardly  anything  except  in  common.  A  whole  village 
must  be  without  corn  before  any  individual  can  be  obliged  to 
endure  privation.  They  divide  the  produce  of  their  fisheries 
equally  with  all  who  come;  and  the  only  reproach  they  address 
to  us  is  our  hesitation  to  send  to  them  oftener  for  our  supply  of 
provisions."2  In  this  very  quotation,  however,  there  is  evidence 
of  some  division  of  the  clan  into  rich  and  poor.  It  is  "  as  long  as 
there  are  any  rich  people  among  them  "  that  no  one  suffers  for 
lack  of  food.  It  was  indeed  quite  possible  for  temporary  differ 
ences  in  wealth  to  spring  up  between  different  households ;  for  in 
stance,  one  family  might  keep  its  field  cleaner  and  in  better  condi 
tion  than  another,  and  so  harvest  a  larger  crop.  As  long  as  the 
other  members  of  the  clan  had  enough  to  live  on,  the  more  dili 
gent  might  keep  their  own  corn,  and  perhaps  accumulate  a  large 
store,3  adding  to  it  from  year  to  year.  This  surplus  could  be 
expended  in  feasts,  or  traded  off  with  foreign  tribes  for  skins  or 
wampum  and  slaves.  Similarly,  in  the  hunting  clan,  the  actual 
slayer  of  an  animal  got  the  skin  as  a  reward  for  his  skill.  Thus 
a  good  marksman  might  come  to  be  the  possessor  of  more  skins 

*Cf.  Margry,  V,  389;  III,  393;  Morgan,  "Houses  and  House  Life." 
2Jes.  Rel.,  XLIII,  271-273.    Cf.  Heckewelder,  pp.  268-269.    Loskiel,  p. 

14. 
3Jes.    Rel.,   VIII,  93-95— A   certain   rich   Huron   referred  to   had  two 

bins  of  corn  holding  from  at  least  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and  twenty 

bushels. 


DISTRIBUTION   OF   WEALTH.  75 

than  the  other  men.  Again,  a  band  of  victorious  warriors  was 
sometimes  presented  by  the  village  with  a  large  amount  of  wam 
pum,  which  they  would  divide  up  among  themselves. x  A  skillful 
gambler,  too,  could  often  improve  his  worldly  condition  at  the 
expense  of  his  opponent.2  In  many  such  ways  one  individual  or 
household  might  become  richer  than  others,  possessing  more  wam 
pum,,  clothing,  and  household  furnishings,  and  entertaining  more 
lavishly.  Such  differences  in  wealth,  however,  were  merely  tem 
porary.  Accumulation,  where  little  beyond  vital  and  aesthetic  val 
ues  prevail,  does  not  proceed  far  nor  last  long.  About  the  only 
object  in  amassing  a  surplus  was  to  give  it  away  and  so  to  gain 
prestige.8  "  You  might  say,"  writes  a  Jesuit  missionary,  "  that  all 
their  exertions,  their  labors,  and  their  trading,  concern  almost  en 
tirely  the  amassing  of  some  things  with  which  to  honor  the  dead. 
They  have  nothing  sufficiently  precious  for  this  purpose ;  they  lav 
ish  robes,  axes  and  porcelain  ...  in  quantities  .  .  .  and  yet  these  are 
the  whole  riches  of  the  country.  You  will  see  them  often  in  the 
depth  of  winter,  almost  entirely  naked,  while  they  have  handsome 
and  valuable  robes  in  store  that  they  keep  in  reserve  for  the 
dead."4  Among  the  Five  Nations,  and  even  among  the  rather 
more  extravagant  Hurons,  all  this  wealth  did  not  go  into  the 
grave.  Merely  the  clothes  in  which  it  was  dressed,  a  few  pro 
visions,  and  some  other  little  articles,  were  buried  with  the  corpse. 
The  mass  of  other  things — corn,  skins,  wampum,  etc. — were  dis 
tributed  among  the  mourning  friends  and  relations,  in  whose  eyes 
such  liberality  greatly  raised  the  prestige  of  the  afflicted  family. 
Mr.  Hale5  says  that  in  the  latter  days  of  the  Iroquois,,  these 
funeral  usages  were  discontinued;  nevertheless,  in  its  time,  the 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  LIV,  25. 
2Jes.  Rel.,  X,  81,  187. 

3  Morgan,    "  Houses   and    Houselif  e,"   pp.   455    sq. ;    Lafitau,   II,   89-90 ; 
Loskiel,  pp.  14,  68;  Jes.  Rel.,  LVIII,  185;  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus. 
Bui.,  No.  41,  pp.  357-358. 

Cf.  A.  E.  Jenks,  "  Faith  in  the  Economic  Life  of  the  Amerind,"  Am. 
Anthrop.,  N.  S.,  II  (1900),  p.  683. 

4  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  265-271.    Cf.  Lafitau,  II,  413-415;  Jes.  Rel.,  LXXII,  328. 
6  Hale,  "  Iroquois  Book  of  Rites/'  in  Brinton's  "  Library  of  Aboriginal 

American  Lit.,"  Part  II,  p.  73. 


76  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

custom  was  a  good  way  for  a  family  to  utilize  its  surplus  wealth. 
A  similar  redistribution  was  effected  by  the  practice  of  feast- 
giving.  The  feast  of  Dreams,  for  instance,  was  held  once  a  year, 
or  oftener,  on  different  important  occasions.  This  festival,  ac 
cording  to  one  of  the  Jesuits,  "  will  sometimes  last  four  or  five 
days,  during  which  all  is  disorder,  and  no  one  does  more  than 
snatch  a  hasty  meal.  All  are  at  liberty  to  run  through  the  cabins 
in  grotesque  attire,,  both  men  and  women,  indicating  ...  by 
signs,  or  by  singing  in  enigmatical  or  obscure  terms,  what  they 
have  wished  for  in  their  dreams ;  and  this  each  person  tries  to 
divine,  offering  the  thing  guessed,  however  precious  it  may  be, 
and  making  a  boast  of  appearing  generous  on  this  occasion."  l 
Other  feasts  of  a  more  ordinary  character  were  given  all  through 
the  year  on  every  imaginable  occasion.2  No  one  was  excluded 
from  these  except  as  a  punishment  for  some  offense.3  The  result 
was  that  in  the  long  run  every  clan  member  was  on  a  level  with 
the  rest  as  far  as  wealth  was  concerned.  Large  public  feasts 
given  by  one  village  to  another,  played  the  same  part  in  the  dis 
tributive  system  of  the  tribe,  as  the  purely  local  festivities  played 
in  that  of  the  village  and  clan.  In  general,  we  are  justified  in 
asserting  that  the  clan  was  the  predominant  distribution  group  of 
the  Iroquois,,  and  that  within  its  ranks  control  of  the  surplus  was 
shared  equally  among  the  members.  Even  accidental  circum 
stances  making  one  man  richer  than  another  had  only  a  temporary 
effect,  which  soon  disappeared  before  the  lack  of  motive  for  accu 
mulation  and  the  strength  of  the  clan  ideal. 

Among  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Iroquois,  equality  of  oppor 
tunity  in  production  resulted  in  equality  in  distribution;  never 
theless,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  other  classes,  outside  the 
clans,  shared  in  the  life  of  the  ordinary  Iroquois  village.  These 
occupied  a  distinct  place  in  the  productive,  and  hence  also  in  the 
distributive  organization  of  the  community.  The  monopolistic 
part  in  production  played  by  the  medicine  men  gave  them  a  cer- 

'Jes.  Rel.,  LV,  61. 

2Jes.   Rel.,   VIII,   127,    143;   XVII,   209;   XV,   113,   183;    XXIII,    187; 
LXXII,  328;  XXIII,  161. 
3Jes.  Rel.,  XVI,  127. 


DISTRIBUTION   OF   WEALTH.  77 

tain  control  over  the  surplus  of  the  clan,  which  they  were  not 
slow  to  perceive.  These  people,  both  men  and  women,  may  some 
times  have  taken  part  in  the  productive  activities  of  the  clan,  and 
have  received  their  share  of  the  produce;  but  the  main  part  of 
their  wealth  they  received  in  the  form  of  a  tax  upon  the  surplus 
of  others,  rendered  in  return  for  the  supposed  services  of  the 
medicine  man  in  controlling  the  forces  of  nature.  The  medicine 
man  claimed  to  be  able  to  cure  diseases,  to  bring  good  or  bad 
weather  as  he  pleased,  to  make  game  plenty  or  scarce,  to  bring 
many  fish  up  the  streams  or  to  hold  them  back,  to  blast  or  to 
foster  the  growth  of  the  corn.  No  wonder,  then,  that  agricul 
turists  and  hunters  paid  him  tribute,  and  were  willing  to  support 
him,  in  order  to  enlist  his  valuable  services  on  their  side.1  Ac 
cording  to  the  Jesuit  Relations,  the  Hurons  asserted  "  that  the 
sorcerers  ruin  them ;  for  if  any  one  has  succeeded  in  an  enterprise, 
if  his  trading  or  hunting  is  successful,  immediately  these  wicked 
men  bewitch  him  or  some  members  of  his  family,  so  that  they 
have  to  spend  it  all  in  doctors  and  medicines."2  In  fact,  it  was 
not  unusual  for  a  noted  magician  to  lay  a  whole  country  under 
tribute.  Thus  in  one  case  a  magician  exacts  gifts  from  all  the 
villages  throughout  the  region,  on  pain  of  non-success  in  the  fish 
ing  season.3  In  another  instance,  he  effects  the  same  result  by 
claiming  to  be  able  to  cure  an  epidemic.4  It  is  not  surprising  if 
among  the  Iroquois,  as  among  the  Delawares5  and  other  tribes, 
the  medicine-men  were  the  richest  people  in  the  country.  They 
formed  in  reality,  a  class  of  parasites  living  on  the  surplus  pro 
duced  by  others. 

1Jes.  Rel.,  XVI,  149.  Cf.  XIX,  83— "  Intimidating  by  their  threats 
those  who  have  not  recourse  to  their  art,  and  on  the  contrary,  giving 
assurances  of  powerfully  protecting  those  who  acknowledge  by  some  gift 
the  Demon  they  adore." 

X,  199 — "The  honors  and  emoluments  are  always  great.  These  poor 
people  .  .  .  will  give  their  all  to  anyone  who  pretends  to  help  them." 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  VIII,  123. 

3  Jes.  Rel.,  XIX,  87. 

4  Jes.  Rel.,  XIII,  237. 

5  Heckewelder,  p.  235 — "  Our  doctors  are  the  richest  people  among  us, 
they  have  everything  they  want, — fine  clothes  to  wear,  plenty  of  strings 
and  belts  of  wampum,"  etc. 


78  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

Just  as  the  medicine-men  stood  above  the  clan  in  the  distribu 
tive  system,  so  the  servile  classes  stood  below  it.  Their  part  in 
production  we  have  already  mentioned.  In  the  distribution  of 
the  utilities  they  helped  to  produce,  we  have  the  testimony  of  the 
Jesuit  Relations  that  they  received  nothing  but  "  food  and  shelter 
in  exchange  for  their  ceaseless  labor  and  sweat."1  Beyond  mere 
sustenance  they  had  no  rights  of  any  kind,  as  long  as  they  re 
mained  in  the  servile  class.  Rebellion  or  desertion  on  their  part 
resulted  in  nothing  but  recapture,  with  cruel  torture  and  death. 

To  recapitulate : — the  system  of  distribution  among  the  Iroquois 
is  in  every  respect  directly  traceable  to  the  peculiarities  of  their 
productive  organization:  within  the  area  covered  by  the  Confed 
eracy  each  tribe  occupied  its  own  territory  and  owned  all  the 
sources  of  supply  contained  within  the  region:  within  the  tribal 
boundaries  the  clans  controlled  the  access  to  the  sources  of  supply ; 
and  since  the  women's  clans  represented  the  agricultural  laboring 
force,  they  also  had  control  of  the  cultivated  land  and  its  produce, 
and  gave  support  to  the  warriors  only  in  return  for  their  military 
services ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  men's  clan  was  the  dis 
tributive  unit  of  hunting  and  fishing  life,  wherever  the  domestic 
economy  did  not  reappear :  the  clan  principle  of  distribution  thus 
explains  the  laws  of  inheritance  prevalent  among  the  Iroquois, 
and  also  the  form  which  the  consumption  group  tended  to  adopt : 
besides  the  clan,  however,  there  were  two  other  groups  to  be  ac 
counted  for  in  treating  of  the  distributive  system  of  the  Iroquois  ; 
the  jugglers  or  medicine  men,  who  on  the  strength  of  their  sup 
posed  monopoly  in  production,  received  an  extra  portion  of  the 
social  surplus ;  captives  and  degenerates,  who  formed  a  servile 
class,  giving  up  the  whole  product  of  their  labor  to  the  clans,  and 
living  in  a  position  of  absolute  dependence  upon  them.  Evidently, 
the  distributive  system  of  the  Iroquois  is  the  direct  outcome  of 
their  organization  for  production. 

'Jes.  Rel,  XLIII,  295. 


CHAPTER   VI. 
EXCHANGE. 

The  distributive  system  naturally  gave  very  little  opportunity 
for  the  development  of  any  system  of  internal  trade  i1  differences  in 
environment  and  manner  of  life  in  different  sections  of  the  country, 
however,  led  to  a  certain  amount  of  barter  between  the  Iroquois 
and  other  tribes.  This  trade  received  a  great  stimulus  after  the 
coming  of  the  Europeans,  when  the  Hurons  and  Iroquois,  thanks 
to  their  fine  geographical  location,  took  the  position  of  middle-men 
between  the  tribes  of  the  interior  and  the  European  fur-traders  of 
the  coast.2  With  this  later  development  we  are  not  particularly 
concerned.  What  interests  us  is  rather  the  earlier  state  of  aborig 
inal  trade  in  this  quarter.  From  time  immemorial  the  Iroquois 
and  Hurons  had  probably  bartered  their  surplus  corn  and  manu 
factures  for  the  skins  and  birch-bark  canoes  offered  them  by  the 
non-agricultural  nomads  of  the  North.3  The  Huron  country,  in 
fact,  was  regarded  as  "  the  granary  of  the  Algonquins."4  With 
equal  truth  it  might  have  been  called  the  tobacco  field  of  the 
region,  considering  the  fact  that  the  Petun  or  Tobacco  nation  of 
the  Hurons  gained  its  name  as  a  result  of  its  custom  of  cultivating 
large  fields  of  tobacco  expressly  for  purposes  of  trade.5  The 
Hurons  and  Iroquois  also  bartered  goods  with  other  tribes  in  their 
neighborhood.6  In  this  way,  as  well  as  by  force  of  arms,  the  Five 

*La  Potherie,  III,  33.  According  to  La  Potherie  there  was  no  internal 
trade  even  after  the  coming  of  the  whites,  except  in  brandy  which  was 
sold  from  house  to  house  by  any  one  who  happened  to  get  hold  of  some. 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  VIII,  57;  XIII,  215. 

3  La  Potherie,  I,  289 ;  Sagard,  p.  274 ;  Lafitau,  II,  216  sq. ;  Jes.  Rel.,  VI, 
273;  XXXVII,  65;   XXXVIII,  237;  Lafitau,  II,  332-333— "Les  nations 
sauvages  commercent  les  unes  avec  les  autres  de  tout  temps.    Leur  com 
merce  est  un  pur  troc  de  denrees  centre  denrees." 

*  Jes.  Rel.,  VIII,  115.     Cf.  XV,  155;  XIII,  249;  XXI,  239. 

5  Jes.  Rel.,  I,  22. 

6  Jes.  Rel.,  XV,  155,  247,  note  7. 

79 


8O  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

Nations  obtained  much  of  their  wampum.1  Most  of  the  finer 
materials — jasper,  white  quartz,  and  chalcedony — used  in  making 
arrow-heads,  also  came  from  other  parts  of  the  country.2  More 
or  less  trade  in  slaves  was  also  carried  on  between  the  Iroquois 
and  other  tribes.3  Charms,  too,  were  objects  of  barter  between 
the  Iroquois  and  surrounding  nations.4 

The  methods  by  which  the  interchange  of  goods  was  accom 
plished  were  those  now  familiar  to  all  students  of  primitive 
society.  Among  the  Hurons,  from  early  spring  on  through  the 
summer,  trading  parties  left  the  villages  to  scatter  in  every  direc 
tion  among  the  neighboring  tribes.5  These  parties  might  consist 
of  one  or  two  canoes  each  holding  three  or  four  men,  or  they 
might  be  a  large  fleet  of  boats,  all  travelling  together,  and  filled 
with  traders  and  their  wares  and  provisions.6  In  the  last  resort 
trade  seems  to  have  been  a  matter  regulated  by  the  men's  clans. 
According  to  the  Jesuit  Relations,  a  sort  of  monopoly  of  the  trade 
carried  on  at  any  spot  to  which  he  or  members  of  his  gens — that 
is  to  say,  his  clan — had  paid  the  first  visit,  was  regarded  as  a 
merchant's  indispensable  right.  Similarly  the  first  man  to  find 
a  particular  line  of  trade  profitable  enjoyed  a  certain  monopoly  of 
the  business,  which  he  shared  as  a  usual  thing  only  with  members 
of  his  clan,  and  perhaps  with  his  children.  According  to  the 
Jesuit  Relation,  "  Several  families  (gentes)  have  their  own  pri 
vate  trades,  and  he  is  considered  master  of  one  line  of  trade  who 
was  the  first  to  discover  it.  The  children  share  the  rights  of 
their  parents  in  this  respect,  as  do  those  who  bear  the  same  name ; 
no  one  goes  into  it  without  permission,  which  is  given  only  in 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  XII,  189 ;  L,  135 ;  Woodward,  "  Wampum,"  pp.  16  sq. ;  Lloyd, 
Morgan's  "League"  (ed.  1901),  Notes,  II,  244. 
2Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  pp.  12-13. 

3  Jes.  Rel.,  XVIII,  173;  LIX,  309,  note  25— "  The  Iroquois  were  habit 
ual  stealers  and  sellers  of  men." 

4  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXIX,  27;  Jes.  Rel,  X,  51;  XIX,  125. 

5  Permission   to   go   was   previously   obtained    from    the    authorities    in 
order  to  avoid  leaving  the  village  en  masse  and  so  depriving  it  of  its 
garrison.     Cf.  Sagard,  p.  260. 

6  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXVIII,  247;  LII,  165;  XXXV,  43;  XIX,  105;  XXII,  75, 
81;  XXXIII,  215;  XXIV,  155. 


EXCHANGE.  8 1 

consideration  of  presents ;  he  associates  with  him  as  many  or  as 
few  as  he  wishes."1  Often  the  clans  combined  in  order  to  form 
a  tribal  monopoly  of  certain  lines  of  trade.  Father  Lalemant 
says,  "  The  Arendaronons  are  one  of  the  four  nations  which  com 
pose  those  whom  we  call  the  Hurons ;  it  is  the  most  Eastern 
Nation  of  all,  and  is  the  one  which  first  encountered  the  French, 
and  to  which  in  consequence  the  trade  belonged,  according  to 
the  laws  of  the  country.  They  could  enjoy  this  alone ;  neverthe 
less,  they  find  it  good  to  share  it  with  the  other  nations."2 

The  chief  means  employed  to  bring  about  the  exchange  of 
goods,  was  present-giving.  According  to  savage  custom,  any 
gift  outside  of  the  clan  involved  another  in  return,  and  so  the 
desired  exchange  was  effected  in  the  politest  way.  Thus  em 
bassies  were  often  trading  parties  in  disguise.  The  Jesuit  Rela 
tion  of  1672-3  says  that  the  Iroquois  give  presents  to  all  the 
inland  natives  who  visit  Lake  Superior,  "  to  confirm,"  they  say, 
"  the  peace  that  Onontis  made,"  but  rather  to  get  their  peltries, 
with  which  the  Iroquois  are  expecting  these  tribes  to  respond  to 
their  presents/'3  Lafitau  describes  in  detail  the  procedure  of  the 
regular  merchants  upon  arriving  among  the  people  with  whom 
they  wish  to  trade.  "  The  feasts  and  dances  that  the  savages 
give  in  the  course  of  their  trading  with  other  nations  make  their 
commerce  an  agreeable  amusement.  They  pass  from  one  to  an 
other  as  if  they  were  on  an  embassy.  This  manner  of  trading  is 
to  proceed  by  means  of  presents.  Some  of  them  are  made  to 
the  chief  and  to  the  body  of  the  Nation  with  which  commerce 
is  being  carried  on.  It  responds  with  an  equivalent,  which  is 
always  accepted  without  too  close  inspection,  since  this  sort  of 
present  is  perhaps  regarded  as  a  sort  of  customs  duty  levied  on 
the  wares.  Afterwards  they  traffic  as  individuals  from  one  cabin 
to  another.  The  thing  which  is  for  sale  is  sent  to  a  cabin,  whence 
in  return  something  else  is  sent  back,  which  is  regarded  as  the 

^es.  Rel.,  X,  224-226. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  XX,  19.     Cf.  XXI,  177. 

3Jes.    Rel.,    LVII,    22-23.     Cf.    Jes.    Rel.,    LVII,    23-25;    XXII,    291; 
XXXII,    187;    XVI,    129;    XLIII,    101;    LXVII,   257.     Cf.    also   Biicher, 
"  Entstehung  der  Volkswirtschaft,"  pp.  71  sq. 
6 


82  ECONOMICS   OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

price  of  the  article  received.  But  if  the  trader  is  not  satisfied, 
he  returns  what  he  has  received  and  takes  back  his  own  merchan 
dise,  unless  something  better  or  more  acceptable  is  offered.  The 
worth  of  a  thing  and  the  desire  to  have  it  alone  regulate  the 
price."1 

This  sort  of  commerce  was,  as  Lafitau  says,  "  a  pure  barter  of 
goods  for  goods,"  in  which  the  difference  between  the  marginal 
utilities  of  the  same  good  in  the  eyes  of  different  people  caused 
one  commodity  to  be  exchanged  for  another  until  each  indivdual 
got  rid  of  his  surplus  in  one  line,  and  supplied  his  needs  in  an 
other.  No  middleman  was  necessary ;  there  was  no  market,  nor 
any  association  of  sellers  against  buyers.  There  was  perceptible, 
however,  the  faint  beginnings  of  the  development  of  a  circulating 
medium.  That  the  Indians  in  their  use  of  wampum  made  an 
approach  to  the  money  idea  is  attested  by  scores  of  passages  from 
the  writings  of  the  early  explorers  and  missionaries.  Of  the 
Mohawks,  for  instance,  Cartier  says,2  "  The  most  precious  thing 
they  have  in  all  the  world  they  call  Esurguy  ....  Of  this  they 
make  beads,  and  use  them  even  as  we  doe  gold  and  silver,  account 
ing  it  the  preciousest  thing  in  the  world."  Similar  references  in 
which  the  Iroquois  are  said  to  have  used  wampum  as  money 
occur  in  the  accounts  of  many  other  writers.3  Undoubtedly,  wam 
pum  possessed  the  necessary  features  qualifying  it  for  the  pur 
pose.  Its  utility  as  a  source  of  prestige  had  already  made  it  to  a 
certain  extent  a  standard  of  value.4  This  fundamental  fact,  to 
gether  with  those  of  the  imperishability,  divisibility  and  relatively 
small  bulk  of  wampum,  gave  it  the  place  of  money  in  the  econ 
omy  of  the  Iroquois  and  of  the  American  Indians  in  general. 
Hence,  ransoms,  fines  and  debts  of  any  sort  could  be  most  accept 
ably  paid  through  the  means  of  these  little  shell  beads,  either 
counted  and  woven  into  strings  and  belts,  or  measured  out  in  a 

1  Lafitau,  II,  332-333- 

2  Cartier  (1535),  cit.  in  Beauchamp,  "Iroquois  Trail,"  pp.  114-116. 

3  Holmes,  "  Art  in  Shell  of  Amer.  Inds.,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1880-1881,  pp.  234- 
240;  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  41,  pp.  351-356;  Jes.  Rel.,  XV, 
37;  LIII,  117. 

*Cf.  Ante,  Ch.  IV,  "Wealth";  Keasbey,  "Prestige  Value,"  Q.  J.  EC., 
XVII,  May,  1903. 


EXCHANGE.  83 

wooden  spoon.  The  latter  method  was  used  for  small  payments. l 
As  far  back  as  the  accounts  go,  they  give  abundant  instances  of 
the  use  of  wampum  for  the  purposes  and  in  the  manner  described. 
A  Mohawk,  for  instance,  mentioned  by  the  Jesuit  Relation,  came 
from  his  own  country  to  that  of  the  western  Iroquois  to  get 
some  beaver  skins.  He  himself  had  only  wampum  to  offer  in 
exchange.2  It  was,  in  fact,  the  common  thing  to  make  purchases 
with  wampum,  unless  something  else  was  specified.  Thus  among 
the  Hurons,  after  a  year  of  famine,  the  value  of  wampum  rose 
considerably,  as  they  had  been  obliged  to  part  with  most  of  it  in 
order  to  buy  food.3  Again,  Father  Bressani  was  twice  sold  as  a 
slave  among  the  Iroquois,  and  both  times  was  paid  for  in  wam 
pum,  the  price  being  three  thousand  beads  the  first  time,  and  con 
siderably  more  the  second  time.  And  so  instances  might  be 
multiplied  showing  the  extent  to  which  wampum  money  was 
used  by  the  Iroquois.  Undoubtedly  in  the  natural  state  no  con 
cept  of  exchange  value  can  become  prominent,  and  hence  no 
really  important  function  can  be  performed  by  money;  neverthe 
less,  in  the  use  of  wampum  among  the  Iroquois  there  can  be  ob 
served  the  most  primitive  workings  of  principles  which  dominate 
the  more  advanced  stages  of  civilization. 

lLa  Potherie,  III,  33. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  XVII,  77. 

3Jes.  Rel.,  LX,  42-43.    Cf.  X,  217;  XXXIV,  209. 


PART    II. 

CHAPTER   I. 
THE  FAMILY. 

From  the  study  of  the  environment  and  the  consequent  pro 
ductive  and  distributive  systems  of  the  Iroquois,  a  fairly  satis 
factory  idea  has  been  gained  of  their  economic  activities.  It 
remains  to  examine  into  their  domestic,  political,  and  religious 
institutions,  in  order  to  discover  what  relation  these  bear  to  their 
economic  organization.  In  the  first  place,  then,  what  was  the 
form  of  the  Iroquois  family? 

A  general  survey  of  the  institution  of  the  family  among  all 
primitive  peoples  in  North  America  shows  it  existing  in  two 
forms.  Either  the  father  was  its  head  and  the  owner  of  his  wife 
and  children;  or  else  the  mother  took  the  chief  place  and  added 
her  children  to  her  own  gentile  group.  In  the  former  case  the 
family  may  be  said  to  have  been  paternal,  in  the  latter  case 
maternal  in  character:  which  of  the  two  forms  prevailed  seems 
to  have  been  a  matter  determined  by  the  industrial  organization 
of  the  tribe. 

In  the  domestic  and  village  economies  there  was  everything 
to  favor  the  existence  of  the  small  paternal  family.  The  neces 
sity  of  the  preservation  of  the  species  allowed  the  existence  of 
no  smaller  society,  while  the  nature  of  the  food  supply  and  the 
consequent  method  of  production  encouraged  no  more  extensive 
organization.  For  similar  reasons  the  man,  and  not  the  woman, 
was  the  ruler  of  the  group.  True,  husband  and  wife  cooperated 
in  obtaining  the  food  supply  and  in  caring  for  their  young; 
nevertheless,  since  the  woman  took  a  less  important  part  in  the 
food  quest,  and  since  the  whole  group  was  entirely  dependent 
upon  the  man  for  defense,  it  was  in  absolute  subjection  to  his 

85 


86  ECONOMICS   OF   THE  IROQUOIS. 

authority.  The  family  might  come  and  go  wherever  food  could 
be  most  easily  found,  sometimes  congregating  with  other  families 
in  spots  where  the  supply  was  plentiful,  and  at  other  times 
wandering  off  by  itself  alone ;  always,  however,  the  small  family, 
with  the  father  at  its  head,  was  both  the  production  and  con 
sumption,  and  hence  also  the  political  unit  of  society. 

In  the  fully  developed  economy  of  the  republican  clan  the 
family  became  merely  a  consumption  group,  while  production 
was  carried  on  by  an  organization  of  men ;  hence  the  women  and 
their  children  were  still  in  economic  subjection  to  the  men,  and 
the  form  of  the  family  was  still  paternal.  Every  man  was  head 
of  his  own  household,  the  lord  of  his  wife  and  children,  and  abso 
lute  sovereign  in  all  domestic  affairs.  The  wife,  therefore,  left 
her  own  people  and  came  to  dwell  with  those  of  her  husband, 
while  the  children  were  added  to  his  family  stock  and  bore  his 
name.  The  institution  of  the  family  as  it  existed  among  the 
Plains  Indians,  is  an  example  of  this  type  of  paternal  household.1 

Under  the  regime  of  the  communal  clan  the  form  of  the  family 
changed.  Here  production  was  controlled  by  an  organization 
composed  of  both  men  and  women.  The  elevating  effect  of  these 
conditions  upon  the  position  of  women  in  domestic  life  was  at 
once  apparent.  The  wife  was  now  no  longer  the  humble  de 
pendent  and  chattel  of  her  husband.  On  the  contrary,  in  every 
department  of  social  life  she  regarded  herself,  if  not  as  his  su 
perior,  at  any  rate  as  his  equal.  The  ideals  of  family  life  preva 
lent  in  the  agricultural  communities  of  the  Pueblos  and  those 
which  reigned  in  the  hunting  tribe  of  the  Plains,  were,  in  fact, 
diametrically  opposed  to  each  other.  In  the  latter  the  father's 
power  was  supreme;  in  the  former  the  mother  was  the  head  of 
the  family,  owning  the  dwelling  and  adding  the  children  to  her 
gens.  Thus,  while  the  republican  clan  economy  led  to  the  estab 
lishment  of  the  paternal  authority;  on  the  other  hand,  the  com 
munal  clan  economy  resulted  in  the  development  of  the  maternal 
family. 

1  Schoolcraft,  "Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  I,  235,  236;  II,  131;  V,  183;  II,  132— 
"The  husband  exercises  unbounded  authority  over  the  person  of  his 
wife." 


THE   FAMILY.  87 

The  disappearance,  however,  of  the  paternal  group  in  the  agri 
cultural  community  cannot  be  accounted  for  solely  by  a  reference 
to  conditions  prevailing  at  the  moment.  For  since  men  and 
women  shared  control  of  the  surplus,  there  was  no  more  reason 
why  the  mother  of  the  family  should  have  had  any  more  influence 
over  it  than  had  the  father.  In  fact,  the  fundamental  reason  for 
the  existence  of  the  maternal  family  lay  in  the  conditions  govern 
ing  the  organization  of  the  community  when  on  the  transitional 
stage  between  the  hunting  and  the  agricultural  life.  In  these 
circumstances  the  women's  clan,  as  a  result  of  its  monopoly  of 
the  increasingly  important  agricultural  surplus,  became  the  dom 
inant  power ;  and  hence  it  was  in  this  stage  of  progress  that  the 
maternal  family  found  its  origin.  Later,  when  the  full  communal 
clan  economy  was  established,  and  the  influence  of  men  and 
women  was  really  equal,  the  women  kept  the  advantage  they  had 
gained,  and  the  maternal  family  still  prevailed.  A  study  of  the 
transition  stage,  in  which  the  simultaneous  existence  of  both 
paternal  and  maternal  ideals  may  be  observed,  as  well  as  the 
gradual  supersedure  of  the  former  by  the  latter,  is  a  convincing 
proof  of  the  determining  influence  of  economic  conditions  upon 
the  institution  of  the  family. 

Dr.  Barton,1  in  his  analysis  of  primitive  Semitic  life,  has  made 
a  study  of  just  such  a  community.  Here  the  women's  clan  dom 
inated  the  economic  life  of  the  oasis,  while  the  men's  clan  reached 
its  fullest  development  in  caring  for  the  flocks  and  in  conducting 
caravans  across  the  desert ;  hence  in  the  oases  the  maternal,  in 
the  desert  the  paternal,  type  of  family  predominated.  An  exam 
ination  of  Iroquois  society  brings  to  light  a  somewhat  similar  state 
of  affairs. 

In  the  Iroquois  village,  where  the  women's  clan  carried  on 
production  and  controlled  the  surplus,  the  maternal  family  pre 
vailed.  "  The  children,"  .  .  .  says  Lafitau,  "  belonging  to  the 
women  who  have  produced  them,,  are  counted  as  members  of  the 
household  of  the  wife,  and  not  of  the  husband."2  It  was  the 
mother  and  her  relatives  who  controlled  the  children,  gave  them 

1  Barton,  "  A  Sketch  of  Semitic  Origins."     See  pp.  38-39. 

2  Lafitau,  I,  72-73. 


88  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

names,1  brought  them  up,  attended  to  their  marriages  and  fu 
nerals,-  adopted  strangers,  and,  in  fact,  managed  the  general  life 
and  activities  of  the  household. 

Nevertheless,  the  men's  clan  was  powerful  enough  to  have  a 
decided  influence  upon  the  institution  of  the  family.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  every  gens  was  subdivided  into  two  clans,  the 
women's  and  the  men's ;  the  one  devoting  itself  to  production,  the 
other  to  defending  the  gentile  group.  Now,  neither  clan  could 
afford  to  allow  any  of  its  members  to  marry  and  in  so  doing  to 
transfer  his  or  her  services  to  any  other  organization ;  yet  religious 
scruples  forbade  marriage  between  members  of  the  same  gens ; 
the  result  was  that  marriage  became  a  mere  contract  between 
members  of  different  gentes,  the  bargain  involving  no  obligation 
to  live  together;  and  so  the  typical  Iroquois  household  consisted 
of  a  number  of  women,  their  children  and  their  male  relatives, 
all  members  of  the  same  gens :  in  other  words,  the  family  life  of 
father,  mother  and  children  tended  to  disappear  entirely.  The 
overwhelming  testimony  of  both  earlier  and  later  witnesses  goes 
to  substantiate  the  assertions  just  made.  According  to  Lafitau,3 
.  .  .  "  the  husband  and  the  wife  do  not  leave  their  families  and 
their  cabins  to  set  up  a  family  and  a  cabin  apart.  Each  remains 
at  home,  ....  The  goods  of  the  husband  do  not  go  to  the  cabin 
of  the  wife,  where  he  himself  is  a  stranger."  Again  in  the  Jesuit 
Relation,  it  is  asserted  that  "  their  marriages  make  only  the  bed 
common  to  the  husband  and  wife ;  each  one  lives  during  the  day 
with  his  or  her  own  relatives.  The  wife  goes  to  her  husband  at 
night,  returning  early  next  morning  to  the  home  of  her  mother 
or  of  her  nearest  relative,  and  the  husband  does  not  dare  to  enter 
his  wife's  cabin  until  she  has  had  some  children  by  him."4 

The  marital  relationship  was  acknowledged,  however,  by  the 
rendition  of  certain  mutual  services.  According  to  Lafitau :  "  Not 
only  is  the  wife  obliged  to  furnish  food  to  her  husband,  to  put 

1  Powell,  "Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  p.  64;  Morgan,  "  Anc. 
Soc.,"  p.  71. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  X,  269;  Morgan,  "Anc.  Soc.,"  p.  84. 
3  Lafitau,  I,  261,  note  i. 
*Jes.  Rel.,  XLIII,  265. 


THE   FAMILY.  89 

up  provisions  for  him  when  he  goes  on  a  journey,  either  to  war 
or  to  the  chase,  or  on  a  trading  expedition ;  but  she  is  also 
obliged  to  help  her  husband's  relatives  in  their  field  work,  and 
to  keep  up  their  fire:  for  that  there  are  fixed  times  when  she  is 
obliged  to  have  a  certain  quantity  of  wood  carried  to  the  house." l 
The  husband,  on  the  other  hand,  owed  certain  duties  to  his 
wife :  "  he  is  obliged  to  make  her  a  mat,  to  repair  her  cabin,  or 
to  build  her  a  new  one  when  the  first  falls  into  ruins.  The  whole 
produce  of  his  hunting  belongs  by  rights  to  the  household  of  his 
wife,  the  first  year  of  his  marriage.  The  following  years  he  is 
obliged  to  share  it  with  her,  whether  she  has  remained  in  the 
village,  or  whether  she  has  accompanied  him.  It  is  to  the  honor 
of  the  husband  that  his  wife  and  his  children  should  be  well 
clothed  and  well  kept,  and  it  is  for  him  to  see  to  it."2 

"  The  wife's  household,"  Lafitau 3  observes,  "  got  rather  the 
better  of  the  bargain."  "  According  to  the  common  rule,  it  was 
considered  desirable  to  marry  a  girl  early;  because,  besides  the 
fact  that  the  women  keep  up  the  family,  whose  greatest  strength 
lies  in  the  number  of  the  children,  the  cabin  of  the  woman  also 
profits  by  the  right  which  the  wife  acquires  over  the  produce  of 
her  husband's  hunting.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not  well  to 
hasten  on  the  marriage  of  the  young  men,  because,  before  they 
are  married,  all  the  produce  of  their  hunting,  all  the  fruits  of 
their  industry,  belong  by  rights  to  their  own  cabin.  Those  of 
that  cabin  cannot  but  lose  by  their  marriage,  on  account  of  the 
new  obligations  that  they  contract  toward  a  wife  and  children 
whom  it  is  to  their  credit  to  support  well.  And  although  the 
cabin  of  the  wife  also  contracts  some  obligations  in  regard  to 
that  of  the  husband,  the  advantages  cannot  begin  to  make  com 
pensation  for  those  which  the  young  man  brought  it  before  being 
married.  At  least  that  is  what  I  have  noticed  among  the_ 
Iroquois."  In  fact,  the  advantage  was  often  so  decidedly  on  the 
side  of  the  woman  that  the  husband  even  consented  to  leave  his 
own  gens  and  come  to  live  with  his  wife.  "...  The  mother," 

'Lafitau,  I,  577. 

2  Lafitau,  I,  579-SSo, 

3  Lafitau,  I,  561-562.     Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  LXVII,  41 ;  XIV,  235. 


V 


9O  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

says  La  Potherie,  "  who  knows  but  too  well  the  advantage  of 
keeping  him  with  her,  quietly  influences  his  mind,  and  it  often 
happens  that  he  never  leaves  her."1  In  such  a  case  the  husband's 
own  clan  retained  only  a  formal  right  to  certain  military  services 
from  him ;  in  all  his  other  activities  he  would  be  likely  to  be  con 
nected  more  and  more  surely,  as  time  went  on,  with  his  wife's 
relatives.  In  short,  the  advantages  on  the  wife's  side  of  the 
marital  bargain,  and  the  occasional  establishment  of  regular 
family  life,  though  under  the  mother  as  the  head,  was  evidence 
of  the  gradual  weakening  of  the  men's  organization.  When  the 
process  of  absorption  of  the  men's  clan  by  the  women's  was  com 
pleted,  as  it  was  among  the  Pueblo  Indians,  and  the  full-fledged 
communal  clan  came  into  being,  then  the  ordinary  family  life 
reappeared. 

The  contractual  relationship  between  husband  and  wife,  due  to 
the  fact  that  both  were  members  of  powerful  organizations  eco 
nomically  independent  of  each  other,  elevated  the  position  of  the 
wife  at  least  to  one  of  equality  with  her  husband.  For  one  thing, 
the  ordinary  form  of  marriage  among  the  Iroquois  was  mono- 
gamus.  Few  men  would  care  to  take  upon  themselves  the  burden 
of  providing  more  than  one  woman  with  meat  and  skins,  while 
few  women  would  desire  to  supply  fire-wood  and  corn  to  more 
than  one  husband.  Exceptions  to  the  rule  sometimes  occurred  in 
the  families  of  chiefs.  Such  men  might  become  polygamists 
because  of  their  desire  to  be  influential  over  a  large  number  of 
relatives  and  friends.  Even  chiefs,  however,  rarely  had  more 
than  two  wives.2 

In  their  intercourse  with  each  other,  husband  and  wife  were  on 
an  equal  footing.  If  they  could  not  agree,  nothing  was  easier 
than  to  annul  the  contract  between  them.  Divorce  occurred  at 
the  will  of  either  husband  or  wife.  It  was  usually  caused  by  the 
failure  of  one  or  the  other  to  live  up  to  the  obligations  involved 

*La  Potherie,  III,  13  sq.     Cf.  Lafitau,  I,  577. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  XLII,  139;  Schoolcraft,  "Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  III,  191. 

Lafitau  (I,  155)  says  that  polyandry  sometimes  occurred  among  the 
Senecas.  "  II  en  est,  lesquelles  ont  deux  maris,  qu'on  regarde  comme 
legitimes." 


THE    FAMILY.  9 1 

in  the  marriage  contract.  If  the  husband  proved  to  be  a  poor 
hunter,  or  the  wife  a  neglectful  provider,  the  aggrieved  party 
hastened  to  abandon  the  one  at  fault.1  Each  one  then  resumed 
temporarily  the  position  of  an  unmarried  person,  rendering  to 
his  own  gentile  group  the  whole  product  of  his  economic  activities, 
and  receiving  from  it  in  return  all  the  services  formerly  expected 
from  the  husband  or  wife.  In  early  times,  especially  when  the 
couple  had  children,  divorce  was  considered  a  rather  discreditable 
remedy  for  conjugal  infelicity;2  nevertheless,  its  possibility  un 
doubtedly  led  both  husband  and  wife  to  treat  each  other  with  con 
sideration.  As  a  general  thing,  neither  pretended  to  exercise  any 
real  authority  over  the  other,  each  doing  as  he  pleased  in  his  own 
particular  sphere.  The  husband,  for  instance,  never  seems  to 
have  interfered  with  his  wife's  management  of  the  children,  or  the 
house,  or  with  her  disposal  of  her  goods ;  nor  did  she,  in  her  turn, 
meddle  in  any  of  her  husband's  plans  for  war  or  hunting.  Thus 
a  Mohawk  woman,  whose  husband  was  urging  her  to  do  some 
thing  contrary  to  her  inclinations,  finally  replies :  "  I  am  my  own 
mistress,  I  do  what  I  choose ;  and  do  thou  what  thou  choosest."  3 
Any  extraordinary  ill-treatment  of  a  wife  might  lead  her  to  com 
mit  suicide,  in  order  to  satisfy  her  outraged  dignity.4  It  is  no 
wonder  then,  that  the  Iroquois  warriors  often  preferred  to  marry 
a  captive,  rather  than  one  of  their  own  independent  country- 

'Jes.  Rel.,  XXI,  135;  XXVIII,  51. 

2  Morgan,  "  League,"  324 ;  La  Potherie,  III,  13  sq. ;  Perrot,  p.  23. 

»  Jes.  Rel.,  LII,  133. 

4  Jes.  Rel.,  XIV,  37;  XXIII,  113-118;  XXXVIII,  265;  XLIII,  271. 

It  is  interesting  to  compare  the  position  of  the  Iroquois  wife  with  that 
occupied  by  the  married  women,  for  example,  among  the  Domestic  and 
Village  Economists  of  the  North,  and  among  the  Micmacs  of  Nova  Scotia. 
Here  "the  husbands  treat  their  wives  very  severely;  a  Frenchman,  re 
proaching  one  of  these  savages  who  was  cruelly  beating  his  wife,  this 
barbarian  replied  that  he  was  master  in  his  own  house,  and  that  no  one 
ought  to  have  any  protest  to  make  if  he  beat  his  dog."  (Charlevoix,  I, 
125-) 

Again,  the  Jesuit  Relation  refers  to  the  fact  of  "the  men  having  sev 
eral  wives  and  abandoning  them  to  others,  and  the  women  only  serving 
them  as  slaves,  whom  they  strike  and  beat  unmercifully,  and  who  dare 
not  complain."  (Jes.  Rel.,  I,  173.) 


92  ECONOMICS   OF   THE  IROQUOIS. 

women,  since  they  generally  found  the  former  "  more  obedient 
and  more  pliable."1 

The  relationship  between  parents  and  children  and  between 
children  and  the  gentes  of  their  parents  was  the  logical  outcome 
of  the  dual  clan  system.  Since  children  belonged  to  their  mother's 
gens,  their  chief  allegiance  was  to  this  group.  They  were  brought 
up  by  their  mother  and  her  relatives  to  be  self-respecting  members 
of  either  the  agricultural  or  the  military  clan  of  the  maternal  gens. 
The  greatest  care  was  taken  not  to  humiliate  them  by  severe  or 
disgraceful  punishments.2  If  there  was  any  difference  in  the 
value  set  upon  the  sexes,  it  was  in  favor  of  the  girls.  A  daughter 
was,  if  anything,  more  prized  than  a  son,  because  she  herself 
would  increase  the  labor  force  of  the  women's  clan,  and  would 
eventually  add  her  children  to  the  numbers  of  the  gens.3  From 
the  very  first,  the  Iroquois  children  were  brought  up  to  regard  the 
gentile  group  as  one  large  family,  in  which  all  the  males  and 
females  of  the  same  generation  were  looked  upon  as  brothers  and 
sisters :  thus  within  the  maternal  gens,  a  child  called  all  children 
of  his  own  generation  brothers  or  sisters ;  women  of  his  mother's 
generation  were  all  of  them  his  mothers ;  and  all  men  of  the  same 
generation  were  his  uncles ;  his  mother's  mothers  were  all  his 
grandmothers  ;  but  great-uncles  were  merely  called  grandfathers. 4 

The  ties  between  fathers  and  their  children  were  naturally 
slight ,  nevertheless,  the  relationship  was  acknowledged  in  the 
terminology  of  kinship,  and  the  rendering  by  grown  sons  of 
occasional  military  service  to  the  paternal  gens.  In  the  latter,  a 
young  Iroquois  regarded  all  individuals  of  his  father's  generation 
as  his  fathers  ;  their  sisters  as  his  aunts  ;  and  the  generation  before 
them  as  his  grandmothers  and  grandfathers.  All  young  people 
of  his  own  generation  he  called  his  cousins,  since  they  were  the 
children  of  his  aunts ;  nevertheless,  the  children  of  these  cousins 

"The   savages  make  no   difficulty  about  espousing  a   stranger  and  a 
captive;  nay,  even,  there  are  some  who  love  them  the  more,  because  they 
are  usually  more  obedient  and  more  pliable."    Jes.  Rel,  XXX,  277. 
2Jes.  Rel.,  XIV,  37;  XXIII,  113-115;  XXXVIII,  265;  XLIII,  271. 

3  Jes.  Rel.,  XV,  181-183. 

4  Lafitau,  I,  552-553 ;  Morgan,  "  League,"  pp.  85-86. 

5  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  325 ;  Jes.  Rel.,  XXVI,  297. 


THE   FAMILY.  93 

would  afterwards  be  reckoned  his  nephews  and  nieces,  and  their 
descendants  would  be  his  grandchildren.  After  this,  the  recogni 
tion  of  relationship  between  members  of  different  gentes  would 
probably  cease.  Meanwhile,  however,  the  acknowledgment  of 
blood  ties  between  the  individual  and  his  father's  gens  resulted  in 
intercourse  of  no  small  economic  advantage  to  both.  A  father 
was  always  ready  to  come  to  the  aid  of  a  gens  to  which  his  chil 
dren  belonged,  and  a  son  was  expected  to  be  willing  to  aid  his 
father's  relatives  in  their  war-like  operations ;  the  result  of  which 
was  that  every  Iroquois,  though  desiring  first  and  foremost  the 
welfare  of  his  own  gens,  was  at  the  same  time  interested  by  ties 
of  relationship  in  the  prosperity  of  several  other  gentes.  As  Mr. 
Lloyd  says :  "  A  Mohawk  born  of  a  Turtle  father  and  a  Bear 
mother,  would  himself  be  a  Bear,  but  closely  allied  to  the  Turtle, 
and  conscious  of  the  blood  tie.  If  he  married  into  the  Wolf  clan 
...  his  children  would  be  Wolves.  Thus  each  of  the  three 
Mohawk  clans  would  have  a  claim  upon  his  regard  and  upon  his 
tomahawk.  Whoever  might  attack,  he  would  fight  for  his  father, 
his  mother  and  his  children."1 

Quite  apart  from  the  family  life  of  the  sedentary  village  stands 
that  characteristic  of  the  hunting  or  trading  expedition.  In  the 
village,  the  influence  of  the  women's  clan  was  predominant :  dur 
ing  the  hunting  season  the  old  conditions  of  the  ordinary  forest- 
hunting  tribe  were  again  met  with,  and  social  organization 
changed  correspondingly.  Husband,,  wife  and  children  often 
went  off  together  upon  the  hunting  expedition,2  and  established 
the  regular  domestic  economy  as  completely  as  if  nothing  else 
had  ever  been  known.  Even  when  a  group  of  men  hunted  to 
gether  as  a  clan,  the  old  paternal  family  was  likely  to  reappear 
as  the  consumption  group.  In  these  circumstances,  the  authority 
of  the  husband  was  temporarily  reestablished.  "  The  Indians," 
says  Mary  Jemison,  "  are  very  tenacious  of  the  precedence  and 
supremacy  over  their  wives,  and  the  wives  acknowledge  it  by 

1  Morgan,  "League"  (Appendix),  II,  223  (ed.  1901). 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  LV,  253,  255,  269 ;  Loskiel,  pp.  78-79. 

3  "Life  of  Mary  Jemison,"  pp.   140-141.  Cf.  Jes.   Rel.,  XXXIII,   109; 
XXXI,  177,  179- 


94  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

their  actions,  with  the  greates  subserviency.  It  is  a  rule  .  .  „ 
that  a  squaw  shall  not  walk  before  her  husband,  or  take  the  lead 
in  his  business.  For  this  reason,  we  never  see  a  party  on  the 
march,  in  which  squaws  are  not  directly  in  the  rear  of  their 
partners."  The  women's  clan,  however,  was  inclined  to  object 
to  the  disintegrating  influences  of  the  hunting  life,  the  Iroquois 
matron  frequently  refusing  to  leave  the  village  in  order  to  go  into 
the  forest  with  her  husband.  In  that  case,  the  husband  might  con 
tract  a  temporary  marriage  with  some  young  unattached  woman. 
Such  a  union  lasted  only  during  the  hunting  or  trading  season, 
the  couple  eventually  separating  after  having  divided  between 
them  the  spoils  of  the  expedition.  An  arrangement  of  this  kind 
was  by  no  means  an  unusual  thing.  Tailhan  speaks  of  it  as  a 
universal  custom.  According  to  his  statement,  "  All  the  savages 
have  wives  for  hunting  trips  (femmes  de  campagne),  and  also 
other  wives  who  remain  with  the  rest  at  home."1  In  this  way 
the  hunter  sought  to  solve  the  problem  caused  by  the  conflict 
between  the  two  productive  organizations  into  which  the  Iroquois 
community  was  divided.  But  even  under  these  conditions,  the 
existence  of  the  paternal  family  was  made  uncertain  and  difficult 
by  the  fact  that  the  "  femme  de  campagne  "  had  no  rights  of  any 
kind,  and  on  her  return  to  the  village  was  generally  despoiled 
of  her  share  of  the  surplus  by  the  legal  wife  of  the  hunter.2 

It  is  evident,  then,  that  economic  conditions  determined  the 
form  of  the  Iroquois  family.  In  the  village,  where  the  women's 

1  Perrot,  p.  23,  and  notes  (Tailhan),  p.  178. 

Cf.  La  Potherie,  III,  13  sq. ;  Barton,  "Semitic  Origins,"  pp.  70-71— 
"  From  the  beginning  there  must  have  been  a  tendency  to  the  Republican 
clan.  Expeditions  into  the  desert  with  the  flocks  in  search  of  pasturage, 
or  caravans  from  place  to  place  for  the  purposes  of  trade,  would  consist 
...  of  a  considerable  number  of  men  and  a  much  smaller  number  of 
women  ....  The  women  of  the  wealthy  Arabians  of  the  oases  who 
to-day  accompany  their  husbands  on  their  expeditions  into  the  desert  are 
as  a  rule  of  lower  social  position.  A  princess  in  a  harem  may  have  it 
understood  that  she  is  to  remain  always  in  the  oasis.  Probably  it  was 
so  in  ancient  times.  Such  a  band  of  men  would  take  with  them  some 
daring  young  women,  who  had  not  much  position  at  home,  or  who  were 
captives  from  another  tribe."  * 

2  Lafitau,  I,  585- 


THE   FAMILY.  95 

clan  dominated,  the  family  was  of  the  maternal  type,  the  mother 
acting  as  its  head  and  having  entire  control  of  the  children.  The 
strength  of  the  men's  clan  was  great  enough  usually  to  cause  the 
marriage  relation  to  take  the  form  of  a  business  contract,  involv-  i 
ing  no  common  family  life  together.  Frequent  exceptions  to 
the  rule,  however,  showed  the  growing  strength  of  the  women's 
clan  in  village  life.  Away  from  the  settlement,  the  paternal 
family  characteristic  of  the  domestic  and  the  republican  clan 
economy  tended  to  reappear;  but  the  hunting  season  was  short, 
the  wife  was  often  merely  a  woman  engaged  for  the  trip,  and  no 
real  family  life  was  entered  upon.  Thus,  the  ultimate  dependence 
of  all  upon  the  corn  fields  of  the  village  allowed  the  women's  clan 
to  hold  in  check  the  men's  organization,  and  to  make  the  maternal 
family  of  the  village  the  only  one  looked  upon  as  regular  and  legal. 


CHAPTER    II. 

STATE  AND  GOVERNMENT. 

Mr.  Morgan,  in  his  books  on  "  Ancient  Society  "  and  on  the 
"  League  of  the  Iroquois,"  asserts  that  the  gens  is  the  unit  of 
Iroquois  Society.  Major  Powell  says  that  tribal  government 
in  North  America  is  based  on  kinship.1  Mr.  Lloyd2  remarks: 
"  The  unit  of  Iroquois  Society  was  not  an  individual,  nor  yet 
a  family  in  one  sense  of  the  word,  but  a  household  including 
all  the  dwellers  in  one  of  the  communal  houses  elsewhere  de 
scribed.  These  households  by  a  process  of  increase  and  swarm 
ing  gave  rise  to  clans  (gentes)  and  phratries,  held  together  by 
the  natural  bond  of  kin.  Politically  they  were  united  in  tribes 
and  confederacies  held  together  by  the  artificial  bond  of  alliance ; 
but  cemented  also  by  the  bond  of  kin.  Thus  the  social  organiza 
tion  of  the  Iroquois  was  developed  through  the  separation  of  near 
kin,  and  the  political  organization  through  the  union  of  remote 
kin."  All  the  above  writers  lay  stress  on  the  kinship  idea.  The 
picture  they  draw  is  that  of  a  tribe  made  up  of  three  or  more 
separate  groups  of  kindred.  Though  often  scattered  about  in 
separate  villages  and  hence  geographically  and  economically  dis 
united,  each  of  these  gentes  is  represented  as  a  political  unit, 
composed  of  individuals  of  both  sexes,  each  exercising  a  share 
in  sovereignty  on  the  strength  of  his  or  her  blood  relationship 
to  the  other  members  of  the  group.  A  mere  study  of  outward 
forms,  perhaps,  might  lead  to  the  conclusion  reached  by  Mr. 
Morgan  and  his  followers ;  but  closer  investigation  of  Iroquois 
politics  reveals  certain  fundamental  peculiarities  for  which  the 
kinship  theory  fails  to  account.  Why  should  the  women  have 
exerted  any  special  influence  in  the  Iroquois  gens  when  in  similar 
kindred  groups  among  fishing  and  hunting  tribes  they  had  no 

'"Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  p.  68. 
2 Lloyd,  Morgan's  "League"   (ed.   1901),  notes,  p.  217. 

96    ' 


STATE   AND   GOVERNMENT.  97 

power  at  all  ?  Why  should  village  have  opposed  itself  to  village 
or  tribe  acted  as  a  unit  against  tribe,  although  each  contained 
fragments  of  the  same  gentes?  An  analysis  of  the  Iroquois 
state  from  the  point  of  view  of  their  economic  organization  leads 
to  the  solution  of  these  and  other  problems  of  a  like  nature.  It 
becomes  evident  that  the  gens  as  such  was  not  a  political  unit: 
on  the  contrary,  the  governmental  system  of  the  Iroquois  was 
but  another  aspect  of  their  organization  for  directly  economic 
purposes.  Not  the  gentes,  but  the  clans  and  the  villages,  repre 
sented  the  fundamental  units  of  Iroquois  political  life. 

An  Iroquois  village,  it  will  be  recalled,  was  usually  made  up 
of  several  gentile  groups,  each  consisting  of  two  more  or  less 
interdependent  clans,  the  women's  organization  directly  control 
ling  the  food  supply  of  the  group,  the  men's  acting  as  a  sort  of 
standing  army  for  its  defense.  For  military  purposes  the  men's 
clans  were  united  also  into  one  homogeneous  body.  This  was 
the  fundamental  reason  for  the  existence  of  the  village  and  tribe 
as  economic  units.  Away  from  the  village,  it  will  also  be  re 
membered,  during  the  hunting  season,  the  men's  clan  alone  di 
rected  production  and  controlled  the  surplus.  A  knowledge  of 
these  facts  makes  it  almost  possible  to  describe  by  means  of  the 
purely  deductive  principle  the  organization  of  the  Iroquois  state 
and  the  form  of  their  government.  In  the  village,  it  would  be 
expected  that  the  women's  and  the  men's  clans  would  each  pos 
sess  a  share  in  sovereignty  corresponding  to  the  extent  to  which 
each  controlled  the  sources  of  supply.  Hence  the  women's  clans 
would  naturally  be  more  fully  represented  in  the  government  than 
the  men's  clans:  in  the  hunting  season,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
men's  clans  alone  would  carry  on  the  activities  of  state  and  gov 
ernment.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  investigation  proves  the  legitimacy 
of  these  a  priori  conclusions. 

In  the  sedentary  village  the  smallest  governmental  organization 
was  that  of  the  gentile  group.  So  far,  Mr.  Morgan's  analysis 
is  undoubtedly  correct.  But  the  gens  in  the  governmental  sense 
was  not  made  up  of  a  number  of  individuals  of  both  sexes :  on 
the  contrary,  its  constituent  units  were  the  two  clans,  each  of 
which  played  a  distinct  part  in  politics.  Each  clan  had  a  govern- 
7 


98  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

mental  council  of  its  own,  in  which  were  discussed  all  matters  of 
particular  interest  to  itself.  In  each  gens,  too,  the  old  men  prob 
ably  acted  as  a  sort  of  advisory  body,  or  senate  of  the  clans. 
Sometimes  the  councils  were  attended  by  every  clan  member,  each 
one  having  a  right  to  express  his  opinion  and  cast  his  vote.  The 
conduct  of  ordinary  affairs,  however,  was  left  to  certain  elected 
representatives. 

In  the  gentile  government,  the  women's  clan  naturally  took  the 
lead.  Among  the  Hurons  the  Council,  though  installed  only  with 
the  consent  of  both  clans,  was  mainly  composed  of  members  of  the 
women's  organization,  nominated  by  that  body.  First  of  all,  four 
women  councillors  were  chosen  by  the  female  heads  of  the  house 
holds.  "  There  is  no  formal  election,"  says  Major  Powell,1  "  but 
frequent  discussion  is  had  over  the  matter  from  time  to  time,  in 
which  a  sentiment  grows  up  within  the  gens  and  throughout  the 
tribe  that  in  the  event  of  the  death  of  any  councillor,  a  certain 
person  will  take  her  place.  In  this  manner  there  is  usually  one, 
two,  or  more  potential  councillors  in  each  gens,  who  are  expected 
to  attend  all  the  meetings  of  the  Council,  though  they  take  no 
part  in  the  deliberations  and  have  no  vote.  When  a  woman  is 
installed  as  councillor,  a  feast  is  prepared  by  the  gens  to  which 
she  belongs,  and  to  this  feast  all  the  members  of  the  tribe  are  in 
vited.  The  woman  is  painted  and  dressed  in  her  best  attire,  and 
the  sachem  of  the  tribe  places  upon  her  head  the  gentile  chaplet 
of  feathers,  and  announces  in  a  formal  manner  to  the  assembled 
guests,  that  the  woman  has  been  chosen  a  councillor.  The  cere 
mony  is  followed  by  feasting  and  dancing,  often  continued  late 
into  the  night." 

Among  the  Five  Nations  the  female  councillors  of  the  gens 
seem  to  have  been  three  in  number.2  Candidacy  for  the  office  of 
"  Oyander,"3  as  these  officials  were  called,  was  usually  a  matter 
of  inheritance ;  that  is,  the  three  senior  members  of  a  certain 

"Powell,  "Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  pp.  61-62. 

2  Chadwick,  "  The  People  of  the  Longhouse,"  p.  36. 

3  "  Oyander,"   Feminine   form  of  word   "  Royaner,"   lord   or  nobleman, 
the  title  applied  to  chiefs.    Jes.  Rel.,  LIV,  p.  308. 

Cf.  Chadwick,  39.     Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  LVIII,  185;  LXIV,  81. 


STATE   AND   GOVERNMENT.  99 

family  in  the  clan  were  the  candidates  naturally  chosen,  unless 
they  were  for  some  reason  unfit  for  the  position.  The  election 
of  these  gentile  councillors,  however,  had  to  be  confirmed  by  the 
gens  and  the  tribe  to  which  they  belonged.  An  unworthy  Oyander 
ran  the  risk  of  deposition.  The  Jesuit  Relations  tell  of  one  such 
case.  An  Oyander,  having  become  a  Christian  and  left  her  own 
country  in  order  to  dwell  in  a  Jesuit  community,  was  degraded 
from  her  noble  rank  by  her  incensed  constituents,  and  deprived 
of  her  title  of  Oyander;  at  the  same  time  another  woman  was 
installed  in  her  place.1 

From  among  the  members  of  the  men's  clan,  the  women  coun 
cillors  nominated  a  Sachem  or  Head  Chief  of  the  gens.2  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  nominee  was  generally  the  son  or  grandson  of 
the  dead  chief's  sister.3  Birth,  however,  was  no  guarantee  of 
election  in  case  the  candidate  was  unfit  for  the  office.  Thus,  to 
quote  from  Le  Jeune's  narrative.4  '  They  reach  this  degree  of 
honor,  partly  through  succession,  partly  through  election.  Their 
children  do  not  usually  succeed  them,  but  properly  their  nephews 
and  grandsons ;  and  the  latter  do  not  even  come  to  the  succession 
of  these  petty  royalties,  like  the  Dauphins  of  France,  or  children 
to  the  inheritance  of  their  fathers,  but  only  in  so  far  as  they  have 
suitable  qualifications,  and  accept  the  position,  and  are  accepted 
by  the  whole  country.  Some  are  found  who  refuse  these  honors, 
sometimes  because  they  have  not  aptitude  in  speaking  or  sufficient 
discretion  or  patience,  sometimes  because  they  like  a  quiet  life." 

After  the  nomination  was  made,  the  Hurons  required  the  pros 
pective  chief  to  pass  through  a  period  of  probation,  then,  if  ap 
proved  by  both  clans  of  the  gens  and  by  the  rest  of  the  tribe,  the 
election  was  confirmed  and  the  chief  installed  by  a  feast  and  cere- 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  LIV,  281  sq. 

2  The  term  "  Head  Chief "  seems  preferable  to  that  of  "  Sachem,"  the 
word  used  by  Mr.   Morgan.     Sachem  was  an  Algonquin  title,  not  used 
by  the  Iroquois. 

Cf.  Lloyd,  notes  to  Morgan's  "League"  (ed.  1901),  II,  217. 

3  Schoolcraft,  "  Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  III,  195 ;  Chadwick,  "  The  People  of 
the  Longhouse,"  p.  34  sq. ;  Lafitau,  I,  469  sq. 

4  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  233.     Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  XX,  215. 


100  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

monies  similar  to  those  described  in  the  case  of  the  Oyanders.1 
The  chief's  tenure  was  simply  a  matter  of  good  behavior.  Bad 
conduct  of  any  kind,  resulting  in  a  loss  of  confidence  on  the  part 
of  his  constituents,  was  sufficient  reason  for  his  deposition  by  the 
Council.  "  The  women,"  says  Mr.  Wright,  "  were  the  great 
power  among  the  clans  (gentes).  They  did  not  hesitate,  when 
occasion  required,  to  knock  off  the  horns,  as  it  was  technically 
called,  from  the  head  of  a  chief,  and  send  him  back  to  the  ranks 
of  the  warriors."2  Evidently,  the  governmental  machinery  of 
the  gens  was  largely  the  creation  of  the  women's  clan.  Out  of 
its  own  ranks  it  nominated  the  councillors ;  and  it  nominated  and 
deposed  the  chief  of  the  gens.  On  the  other  hand,  the  economic 
interdependence  of  the  two  clans  was  reflected  in  the  fact  that 
the  Chief  himself  was  a  member  of  the  men's  clan,  and  that  neither 
councillors  nor  chief  could  be  finally  installed  without  the  consent 
of  the  warriors. 

The  functions  of  the  gentile  government  were  largely  confined 
to  matters  relating  to  the  internal  welfare  of  the  gens.  The  allot 
ment  of  agricultural  lands  and  the  superintendence  of  the  field- 
labor  was  one  of  its  main  duties.  In  its  keeping,  also,  was  the 
gentile  treasury  of  wampum,  skins,  etc.,  from  which  were  drawn 
funds  for  the  payment  of  fines,  ransoms,  and  presents,  on  behalf 
of  the  gens.3  In  cases  of  crime  within  the  gens,  the  council  fre 
quently  sat  as  a  judicial  body ;  and  in  all  transactions  with  out 
siders,  it  attended  to  gentile  interests. 

The  hardest  worked  member  of  the  gentile  council  was  the 
Head  Chief.  He  was  the  President  of  the  Council  and  repre 
sentative  in  chief  of  the  two  sovereign  bodies  of  the  state ;  hence 
it  was  his  duty  to  take  the  lead  in  all  governmental  activities.4 

1  Powell,  "Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  p.  62;  Lafitau,  I,  469 
sq. ;  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  pp.  72-73;  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  235;  XVII,  note  7; 
XXVI,  155;  XXXVIII,  265;  LII,  223;  LXIV,  91. 

2  Morgan,  "Anc.  Soc.,"  p.  74;  Morgan,  "Houses  and  House  Life,"  p. 
66. 

3  Lafitau,  I,  474-475 — "Leur  emploi  est  de  veiller  plus  immediatement 
aux  interets  de  la  Nation:  d' avoir  1'oeil  au  fisc  ou  tresor  public,  de  pour- 
voir  a  sa  conservation  et  de  presider  a  1'usage  qu'on  doit  faire  de  ce  qui 
y  est  contenu."    Cf.  ibid.,  I,  506. 

4 Jes.  Rel.,  LV,  55;  Morgan,  "Anc.  Soc.,"  p.  144. 


STATE   AND   GOVERNMENT.  IOI 

According  to  Lafitau,1  "  Although  the  chiefs  have  no  mark  of 
distinction  and  of  superiority,  so  that  they  cannot  be  distinguished 
from  the  crowd  by  any  honors  rendered  to  them,  except  in  special 
cases,,  nevertheless  a  certain  respect  for  them  is  always  felt.  It  is 
especially  in  public  affairs  that  their  dignity  is  displayed.  The 
councils  assemble  at  their  summons ;  they  are  held  in  their  cabins, 
unless  there  is  a  public  cabin  destined  only  for  councils,  and  which 
is  like  a  town  hall ;  negotiations  are  carried  on  in  their  name ; 
they  preside  at  all  sorts  of  assemblies ;  they  have  a  considerable 
portion  in  the  feasts  and  in  general  distributions;  presents  are 
often  made  them ;  and  finally,  they  have  certain  prerogatives 
arising  out  of  the  preeminence  of  their  position,  as  also  certain 
onerous  duties  which  serve  to  counter-balance  the  feeble  advan 
tages  that  they  may  have  in  other  respects."  Among  the  "  oner 
ous  duties  "  of  the  Head  Chief  was  the  ordering  and  regulating 
of  public  games  and  feasts  for  the  cure  of  the  sick  and  other 
purposes.2  He  saw  to  it  that  the  poor  and  helpless  of  the  gens 
were  cared  for.  In  cases  of  murder,  ransoming  of  captives,  etc., 
he  carried  on  the  negotiations  between  his  gens  and  other  tribes 
or  gentes.4  He  was  also  regarded  as  the  chief  custodian  of  the 
Public  Treasury,  from  which  he  drew,  on  behalf  of  the  gens, 
whatever  was  necessary  to  be  munificent.5  The  business  of  repre 
senting  the  gens  in  outside  affairs  was  no  sinecure.  According  to 
Le  Jeune,6  "  .  .  .  these  positions  are  servitudes  more  than  any 
thing  else.  A  captain  must  always  make  it  a  point  to  be,  as  it 
were,  in  the  field ;  if  a  council  is  held  five  or  six  leagues  away  for 
the  affairs  of  the  country,  winter  or  summer,  whatever  the 
weather,  he  must  go;  if  there  is  anything  to  be  made  public  he 
must  do  it." 

The  political  life  of  the  tribe  or  village  was  dominated  by  the 
same  principles  that  characterized  the  gentile  government.     The 

1  Lafitau,  I,  474. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  X,  231;  XVII,  201;  XXIII,  185,  243;  XXVI,  265;  XXVIII, 
87. 

3Jes.  Rel.,  LVII,  65;  XX,  291. 
4  Jes.  Rel.,  LVII,  63. 
5Jes.  Rel.,  XXVIII,  87;  LVII,  63. 
6  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  233. 


102  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

tribe,  like  the  gens,  was  a  federation  of  clans  economically  de 
pendent  upon  one  another ;  hence  the  governmental  councils  of  the 
tribe  were  made  up  of  representatives  of  these  bodies.  Accord 
ing  to  Major  Powell,  the  tribal  council  of  the  Hurons  consisted 
solely  of  the  aggregated  gentile  committees  and  chiefs :  thus  four- 
fifths  of  the  council  of  the  Huron  tribe  were  women,  while  only 
one-fifth  were  men.1  It  must  be  remembered  that  from  the  mili 
tary  point  of  view  the  Hurons  were  not  so  thoroughly  organized 
as  were  the  Iroquois,  while  agriculture  on  the  other  hand  was 
more  developed  among  them  than  among  the  Iroquois ;  hence  the 
influence  of  the  women's  clan  continued  predominant  even  in  the 
tribal  organization  of  the  Hurons.  In  the  Iroquois  tribal  council, 
the  women  were  less  overwhelmingly  in  the  majority.  Mr. 
Morgan  speaks  as  if  the  body  were  composed  exclusively  of  the 
gentile  chiefs.2  Even  if  this  were  true,  it  would  make  no  great 
difference  in  the  present  analysis,  since  the  Head  Chief  held  office 
as  much  by  the  suffrages  of  the  female  clan  as  of  the  male  organ 
ization,  and  was,  in  fact,  the  nominee  of  the  former.  Frequent 
remarks,  however,  of  the  old  French  writers,  with  many  of  whose 
works  Mr.  Morgan  was  unacquainted,  lead  to  the  belief  that  the 
regular  Iroquois  tribal  councils  were  partially  composed  of  women 
from  among  the  gentile  Oyanders.  One  of  the  Jesuit  Relations 
speaks  of  a  Mohawk  woman  "  who  by  her  noble  birth  is  one  of 
the  chief  women  of  Annie  .  .  .  one  of  the  Otiander,  and  .  .  . 
wont  to  speak  in  the  Councils."3  However  it  might  have  been 
among  the  Hurons,  it  is  certain  that  among  the  Iroquois  the  war 
rior  clans  took  a  direct  part  in  tribal  government.  In  the  eco 
nomic  life  of  the  gens,  the  women's  clan  played  the  chief  part ; 
consequently  in  the  gentile  government  the  female  organization 
assumed  a  correspondingly  conspicuous  role.  Tribal  organiza 
tion,  it  must  be  remembered,  brought  in  several  new  factors  by 
which  the  warrior  body  gained  in  importance:  hence  it  was  but 
natural  that  in  the  tribal  council  the  warriors  should  have  their 

'Powell,  "Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  p.  61. 

2  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  pp.  85,  114. 

3  Jes.  Rel.,  LV,  261-263.     Cf.  XLIII,  299;  LIV,  308;  LVIII,  185;  LXIV, 
81,  101. 


STATE   AND   GOVERNMENT.  1 03 

own  special  representatives, — namely,  the  "  Common  "  or  "  Pine- 
tree  "  chiefs.  This  office  was  elective  and  held  for  life  or  during 
good  behavior.  Ability  as  a  warrior,  as  an  orator,  as  a  councillor, 
were  the  qualifications  for  the  position.  The  number  of  common 
chiefs  was  proportionate  to  the  size  of  the  population,  each  clan 
having  a  certain  number.  Chiefs  of  this  rank  were  invested  with 
office  by  the  tribal  council,  as  in  the  case  of  Head  Chiefs.1 

Mr.  Morgan  speaks  of  these  common  chiefs  as  officials,  "  the 
very  existence  of  whose  office  was  an  anomaly  in  the  oligarchy  of 
the  Iroquois."  To  Mr.  Morgan,  the  gentile  kinship  theory  had 
to  be  all  sufficient  to  explain  every  feature  in  the  political  life  of 
the  Iroquois,  and  hence  any  additional  officials  outside  of  the 
Head  Chief  and  his  supporters  were  difficult  to  account  for.  As 
a  result  of  the  subordination  of  the  gentile  to  the  clan  hypothesis, 
it  is  at  once  perceived  that  the  gentile  council  was  for  the  most 
part  the  representative  of  but  one  of  the  two  clans  composing  the 
gens.  In  the  tribal  council,  it  was  but  natural  that  the  other  clan 
— that  of  the  warriors — should,  as  a  result  of  their  improved 
organization,  at  length  have  insisted  upon  having  its  own  direct 
representatives.  Hence,  so  far  from  being  an  anomaly,  the  pres 
ence  of  the  Common  Chiefs  in  the  governmental  body  of  the  tribe 
seems  not  only  natural,  but  indeed  almost  inevitable. 

The  tribal  council  of  Chiefs  and  Oyanders,  never  seems  to 
have  taken  action  on  important  affairs,  without  first  asking  the 
advice  of  the  Elders  of  the  tribe.  The  wisdom  and  experience 
of  these  "  Old  Men  "  seem  to  have  given  them  equal  authority 
over  both  male  and  female  clans.  Lafitau  speaks  of  the  Elders  as 
a  regular  governmental  body  to  be  compared  with  the  council  of 
Oyanders  and  Chiefs.2  "  After  the  Oyanders  come  the  Elders 
.  .  . ;  the  number  of  these  Senators  is  not  determined :  any  one 
has  a  right  to  enter  the  council  to  give  his  vote,  when  he  has 
attained  to  that  age  of  maturity  to  which  prudence  and  wisdom 
in  affairs  is  attributed  as  a  prerogative,  and  each  one,  as  is  the 

1  Chadwick,  "  People  of  the  Longhouse,"  p.  42 ;  Beauchamp,  "  Iroquois 
Trail,"  p.  69;  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  pp.  71-73,  145,  112;  Lafitau,  I,  476; 
La  Potherie,  III,  12-13. 

2  Lafitau,  I,  475-476. 


104  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

case  everywhere  else,  knows  how  to  make  himself  respected  there, 
according  as  he  has  a  greater  or  less  degree  of  astuteness." 
Lafitau  describes  in  vivid  terms  the  meetings  of  the  Council  of 
Elders.  "  This  council  has  seances  which  are  private,  and  others 
which  are  public.  The  former  are  held  to  deliberate  on  their 
different  interests,  of  whatever  nature  they  may  be ;  and  the  second 
to  declare  publicly  what  has  been  resolved,  or  to  discuss  all  the 
other  affairs  of  the  country  which  demand  some  solemnity,  such 
as  the  reception  of  ambassadors,  responding  to  them,  declaring 
war,  mourning  the  dead,  holding  a  feast,  etc.1  .  .  .  Those  who 
are  to  attend  the  secret  council  are  warned  individually;  the 
council  fire  is  always  lighted,  either  in  the  public  cabin,  or  in  that 
of  a  chief.2  .  .  .  Although  there  is'  no  set  time  for  the  holding  of 
these  councils,  the  members  ordinarily  arrive  at  night  fall  .... 
This  senate  is  a  troop  of  dirty  fellows,  seated  on  their  haunches, 
crouching  like  monkeys,  with  their  knees  up  to  their  ears,  or  else 
lying  on  their  bellies  or  on  their  backs ;  and  all  of  them,  pipe  in 
mouth,  treat  of  state  affairs  with  as  much  sang-froid  and  gravity 
as  the  Spanish  Junta.  .  .  .  Hardly  any  one  besides  the  Elders  are 
present  at  these  councils,  or  have  any  part  in  the  deliberations. 
The  Chiefs  and  the  Oyanders  would  be  ashamed  to  open  their 
mouths  unless  they  happened  to  possess  the  dignity  of  age  in 
addition  to  that  of  office.  If  they  are  present,  it  is  rather  to  listen 
and  to  educate  themselves  than  to  speak.  Even  those  chiefs  who 
are  the  most  honored  both  for  their  ability  and  for  their  age,  defer 
to  such  an  extent  to  the  authority  of  the  senate,  that  they  do  not 
go  further  than  to  announce  or  to  have  announced  the  subject  to 
be  deliberated  upon,  after  which  they  always  cease  to  speak,  say 
ing,  '  Think  it  over — you  other  Old  Men ;  you  are  the  masters,  do 

'Cf.  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc,"  p.  18;  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  231,  235;  XV,  37;  XVII, 
n.  7;  XXVI,  155;  LII,  223;  LVIII,  185  sq.;  LXIV,  91. 

2Cf.  References  to  Hurons;  Jes.  Rel.,  XIII,  59;  XVIII,  19— "They 
have  in  fact  no  other  place  of  meeting  for  transacting  their  affairs  than 
the  cabin  of  some  one  of  the  captains."  X,  251 — "  Sometimes  this  as 
sembly  takes  place  in  the  midst  of  the  village,  if  it  is  summer;  and  some 
times  also  in  the  obscurity  of  the  forest,  apart,  when  affairs  demand 
secrecy.  The  time  is  oftener  night  than  day,  whole  nights  often  being 
passed  in  council." 


STATE   AND   GOVERNMENT.  1 05 

you  order/  .  .  .  The  manner  of  deliberating  is  characterized  by 
great  self-restraint  and  maturity.  Each  speaker  first  restates  the 
proposition  in  a  few  words,  and  gives  all  the  arguments  which 
have  been  brought  forward  for  or  against  by  those  who  have 
spoken  first.  After  that,  he  expresses  his  own  individual  opin 
ion."  x 

According  to  the  usual  method  of  procedure  in  important  mat 
ters,  the  women  councillors  seem  to  have  met  first,  and  then  to 
have  reported  the  result  of  their  deliberations  to  the  chiefs.  "  The 
women,"  says  Lafitau,  "  are  always  the  first  to  deliberate  or  who 
ought  to  deliberate,  according  to  their  principles,  on  particular  or 
general  affairs.  They  hold  their  council  apart,  and  in  conse 
quence  of  their  decisions  they  notify  the  chiefs  of  the  matters 
under  consideration."2  Similarly,  in  matters  strictly  "  de  leur 
competence,"  the  warriors  might  hold  a  preliminary  council,  and 
report  their  decisions  to  the  chiefs.  The  latter  thereupon  sum 
moned  a  council  of  the  Elders,  who  discussed  the  matter  in  secret 
session,  and  decided  upon  some  definite  course  of  action.  Finally, 
a  great  public  mass-meeting  was  often  held,  at  which  the  whole 
adult  population  was  present.3  Here,  professional  orators  from 
among  the  councillors  or  chiefs  generally  spoke  in' behalf  of  the 
different  classes  in  the  village,  some  for  the  women,  others  for  the 
warriors.4  The  Elders  were  then  asked  to  make  the  final  decision. 
Thus  even  in  the  tribal  government,  the  women's  clans  took  th*e 
foremost  part,  in  that  they  were  the  initiators  of  action  by  the 
council  as  a  whole.  In  the  subsequent  discussion  and  decision, 
however,  both  clans  were  well  represented. 

1  Lafitau,  I,  477-481.     Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  251  sq. ;  XV,  27;  X,  15— "We 
pay  special  attention  to  the  Old  Men,  insomuch  as  they  are  the  ones  who 
determine  and  decide  all  matters,  and  everything  is  ordered  by  their  ad 
vice." 

2  Lafitau,  I,  477-481.    Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  LIV,  281-283— "  They  hold  councils 
and  the  Elders  decide  no  important  affair  without  their  advice." 

3  Jes.   Rel.,   XLII,   101   sq. ;   X,  213—".  .  .  although  it  is  the  old  men 
who  have  control  there,  and  upon  whose  judgment  depend  the  decisions 
made,  yet  everyone  who  wishes  may  be  present,  and  has  the  right  to  ex 
press  his  opinion." 

4  Lafitau,  I,  481-484. 


IO6  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

Lafitau,  in  one  of  the  passages  quoted  above,  has  given  some 
idea  of  the  ordinary  business  carried  on  by  the  tribal  or  village 
council,  when  acting  as  a  legislative  body.  According  to  his  ac 
count —  "  all  affairs  of  the  country  which  demand  some  solemnity, 
such  as  the  reception  of  ambassadors,  responding  to  them,  de 
claring  war,  mourning  the  dead,  holding  a  feast,  etc.,"  were  dis 
posed  of  by  the  tribal  government.  It  was  its  function  to  deal 
with  all  matters  of  interest  to  the  tribe  as  over  against  those  which 
concerned  only  particular  clans  and  gentes.  According  to  Mr. 
Morgan,  "  it  devolved  upon  the  council  to  guard  and  protect  the 
common  interests  of  the  tribe ;  upon  the  intelligence  and  courage 
of  the  people,  and  upon  the  wisdom  and  foresight  of  the  council, 
the  prosperity  and  the  existence  of  the  tribe  depended.  Questions 
and  exigencies  were  arising  .  .  .  which  required  the  existence  of 
all  these  qualities  to  meet  and  manage."  x  Hence  "  The  council 
of  the  tribe  had  power  to  declare  war  and  make  peace,  to  send  and 
receive  embassies  and  to  make  alliances,"2  and  to  maintain  a 
public  Treasury  to  pay  its  expenses.3  In  regard  to  the  relations 
of  the  community  with  supernatural  powers,  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
council,  under  the  direction  of  the  medicine-men,  to  decide  upon 
action  and  avert  disease  and  disaster,  by  means  of  well-timed 
feasts  and  propitiatory  offerings.4  It  was  the  function  of  the 
council  to  guard  against  attack  from  human  enemies,  by  seeing 
to  it  that  the  village  always  had  a  sufficient  military  force  in  gar 
rison.  Among  the  trading  Hurons  the  village  council  always 
determined  the  number  of  young  men  to  go  out  on  trading  expedi 
tions  and  the  number  to  stay  at  home  to  defend  the  village. 
Sagard  says5  "...  they  do  not  usually  undertake  these  long 
journeys  without  having  first  obtained  permission  from  the  chiefs, 
who,  in  a  special  council,  are  accustomed  to  determine  yearly  the 
number  of  men  who  ought  to  go  from  each  village  in  order  not 
to  leave  them  entirely  empty  of  warriors;  and  whoever  should 

1  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  p.  117. 

2  Lafitau,  II,  310  sq. 

3  Lafitau,  I,  508 ;  II,  261-262. 

«Jes.  Rel.,  XVII,  167  sq.;  LIII,  275;  X,  231. 
6  Sagard,  p.  260. 


STATE  AND   GOVERNMENT.  IO/ 

desire  to  go  otherwise,  could  do  it  as  far  as  any  restraining  force 
was  concerned,  but  he  would  be  blamed,  and  thought  unwise  and 
uncivil  " — (nialavise  et  incivil).  Similarly,  among  the  Iroquois  a 
war  expedition  of  any  size  never  left  the  village  against  the  will 
of  the  governmental  authorities.  On  the  other  hand,  war  was 
sometimes  fomented  or  agreed  upon  in  cold  blood  by  the  councils 
of  two  or  more  tribes,  merely  in  order  to  keep  up  the  spirit  and 
discipline  of  the  warriors'  organization.  The  most  prominent 
chief  of  one  of  the  Iroquois  tribes  forced  the  unwilling  chief  of  the 
Neutral  Nation  to  consent  to  such  a  war,  silencing  the  complaints 
of  the  latter  by  the  indignant  query,  "  with  whom,  then,  he  wanted 
his  children  to  play."1 

In  general,  it  is  evident  that  the  legislative  activities  of  the 
tribal  council  were  confined  to  the  making  of  special  enactments 
applying  to  some  particular  occasion.  Laws,  in  the  strict  sense 
of  the  term,  were  not  made  by  the  council.  In  their  place,  the 
Iroquois  had  certain  custom-made  rules  of  conduct,  looking  toward 
the  security  of  person  and  property  and  the  general  stability  of 
the  clan.2  It  was  in  connection  with  these  fundamental  laws  that 
the  Iroquois  councils  became  judicial  bodies,  charged  with  the 
duty  of  investigating  and  punishing  violations  of  the  principles 
upon  which  clan  life  was  founded.  Murder,  theft,  adultery,  trea 
son,  and  witchcraft  were  the  chief  crimes  to  be  dealt  with.  In 
cases  where  the  plaintiff  and  the  accused  belonged  to  different 
gentes  and  the  councils  of  these  gentes  were  unable  to  settle  the 
matter  between  them,  the  question  came  up  before  the  tribal 
council.  The  latter  then  determined  upon  the  guilt  or  innocence 
of  the  defendant,  and  the  amount  of  indemnity  to  be  paid  in  case 
of  an  unfavorable  verdict. 

The  regular  agents  employed  to  see  to  the  carrying  out  of  the 
legislative  and  executive  decrees  of  the  council  were  the  Head 
Chiefs  of  the  gentes,  who  were  also  councillors.3  It  was  their 

'Lafitau,  II,  162  sq. 

52  Powell,  "Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  p.  65. 

3 Mr.  Morgan  asserts  the  existence  of  another  set  of  officials — "The 
keepers  of  the  Faith."  These,  besides  performing  certain  religious  duties, 
acted  as  a  sort  of  police,  reporting  evil  deeds  to  the  council.  ("Anc. 
Soc.,"  p.  82.) 


IO8  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

duty  to  make  formal  announcement  of  the  decisions  of  the  council, 
and  to  arrange  for  their  execution.  Thus  it  fell  to  the  chiefs  to 
manage  the  inter-tribal  and  village  games  for  the  cure  of  the  sick 
and  other  purposes,  and  to  see  to  the  final  payment  of  indemnities, 
the  settlement  of  quarrels,  etc.1  Theoretically,  every  gentile  chief 
was  the  equal  of  every  other  in  the  tribe  from  the  point  of  view 
of  authority  and  dignity ;  nevertheless,  actual  superiority  in  intel 
lect  and  ability,  generally  gave  some  one  chief  a  preeminent  posi 
tion  in  tribal  politics.2  In  foreign  negotiations  this  chief  might 
be  regarded  as  Head  Chief  of  the  tribe;  his  whole  nation  might 
even  be  referred  to  by  his  name.  To  quote  from  Le  Jeune:3 
"  There  is  none  [of  the  chiefs]  who  by  virtue  of  his  election 
is  of  higher  rank  than  others.  Those  hold  the  first  rank  who 
have  aquired  it  by  intellectual  preeminence,  eloquence,  free  ex 
penditure,  courage,  and  wise  conduct.  Consequently,  the  affairs 
of  the  village  are  referred  principally  to  that  one  of  the  chiefs 
who  has  these  qualifications;  and  the  same  is  true  in  regard  to 
the  affairs  of  the  whole  country." 

That  the  chiefs  and  common  councillors  were  directly  repre 
sentative  of  the  clans,  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  in  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  decrees  of  the  council  the  chiefs  needed  no  sanction 
behind  them,  except  that  of  public  opinion.  Such  statements  as 
the  following  are  frequent  in  the  Jesuit  Relations  and  elsewhere : 
"  They  have  no  government  at  all ;  such  power  as  the  captains 
have  is  little  more  than  that  of  criers  and  trumpets."4  Or  again : 
"  There  is  no  government  here  to  make  private  individuals  obey 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  XVII,  201. 

8  Powell,  "Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  p.  62. 

3  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  231.  Cf.  Lafitau,  I,  471 — "  Quoi  que  les  chefs  paraissent 
avoir  un  autorite  egale,  qu'ils  soient  tous  d'une  attention  extreme  a  ne 
pas  paraitre  vouloir  attirer  a  soi  les  affaires  et  se  rendre  despotiques;  il 
y  a  toujours  neanmoins,  quelque  preeminence  des  uns  stir  les  autres,  et 
c'est  autant  que  j'en  puis  juger,  ou  celui  dont  la  cabane  a  fonde  le  village, 
ou  bien  celui  dont  la  Tribu  [Wolf,  Bear  or  Turtle]  est  la  plus  nombreuse, 
ou  bien  encore  celui  qui  est  le  plus  considere  par  sa  capacite.  J'avoue 
pourtant  que  c'est  ce  que  je  ne  puis  pas  bien  decider." 

Cf.  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  pp.  118-119. 

*  Jes.  Rel.,  XV,  157. 


STATE   AND   GOVERNMENT.  1  09 

the  resolutions  of  a  council."1  In  the  Jesuit  Relations  occur  fre 
quent  references  to  councils  held  to  discuss  religious  topics  with 
the  missionaries.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  relationship  of 
the  village  with  supernatural  powers  was  considered  as  much  a 
thing  of  public  interest  as  its  relationship  with  other  tribes; 
nevertheless,  the  decisions  of  the  councils  upon  these  points  could 
never  be  forced  upon  a  dissenting  element  in  the  population..2 
Thus  in  case  the  young  men  proved  refractory,  persuasion  on  the 
part  of  the  Elders  was  all  that  could  be  employed  to  make  them 
conform  to  the  opinions  and  decisions  of  the  council.  To  quote 
Le  Jeune,  "  In  view  of  the  perfect  understanding  that  reigns 
among  them,  I  am  right  in  maintaining  that  they  are  not  without 
laws."3  It  was,  indeed,  what  Le  Jeune  called  "  the  perfect  under 
standing  between  them  "  that  gave  compelling  power  to  the  de 
crees  of  the  councils.  Every  individual  warrior  and  every  tiller 
of  the  fields  was  so  merged  in  the  clan  that  he  could  have  few 
or  no  interests  aside  from  it,  and  from  the  gentile  body  and  tribe 
of  which  it  formed  a  constituent  part.  Obviously,  any  action  of 
his  which  was  contrary  to  the  interests  of  the  organization,  was 
contrary  to  his  own  interests,  since  there  was  no  life  for  him  out 
side  of  the  clan.  The  clan  and  gens,  on  the  other  hand,  took  upon 
itself  all  responsibility  for  the  behavior  of  its  individual  members. 
A  crime,  once  proved,  had  to  be  atoned  for  by  an  indemnity  of 
wampum  and  skins,  etc.,  paid  by  the  gens  of  the  offender.  4  In 
case  the  injured  man  belonged  to  another  village  or  tribe  than 
the  defendants,  the  fine  fell  upon  the  whole  village  or  tribe  of  the 
latter,  the  one  organization  thus  making  amends  to  the  other  for 
the  injury  it  had  received  in  the  person  of  one  of  its  members. 
"  They  have  only  one  method  of  justice  for  injuries,"  says  the 
Jesuit  Relations,  "  which  is  that  the  whole  village  must  make 
amends  by  presents."5  And  again,6  "  The  presents  given  on  ac- 


,  283,  293.    Cf.  VI,  15;  X,  233,  265;  LVII,  67. 
2  LIV,  35-    Cf.  Schoolcraft,  III,  184-185. 
3Jes.  Rel.,  X,  215. 

4  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXIII,  243. 

5  Jes.  Rel.,  XV,  157. 

6  Jes.  Rel.,  XXII,  291. 


HO  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

count  of  the  death  of  a  man  who  has  been  killed  are  very  numer 
ous.  ...  It  is  not  usually  the  assassin  who  gives  them,  but  his 
relatives,  his  village,  or  his  nation,  according  to  the  quality  or  con 
dition  of  the  person  who  has  been  put  to  death."  Le  Jeune  gives 
a  long  account  of  the  formalities  observed  in  making  amends  for 
crime.  His  description  gives  some  idea  of  the  trouble  a  law 
breaker  caused  to  the  organization  to  which  he  belonged.  "  They 
punish  murderers,  thieves,  traitors  and  sorcerers ;  and  in  regard 
to  murderers,  although  they  do  not  preserve  the  severity  of  their 
ancestors  towards  them,  nevertheless  the  little  disorder  there  is 
among  them  in  this  respect  makes  me  conclude  that  their  pro 
cedure  is  scarcely  less  efficacious  than  is  the  punishment  of  death 
elsewhere;  for  the  relatives  pursue  not  only  him  who  has  com 
mitted  the  murder,  but  address  themselves  to  the  whole  village, 
which  must  give  satisfaction  for  it,  and  furnish,  as  soon  as  pos 
sible,  for  this  purpose,  as  many  as  sixty  presents,  the  least  of 
which  must  be  of  value  of  a  new  beaver  robe.  The  captain  pre 
sents  them  in  person,  and  makes  a  long  harangue  at  each  present 
that  he  offers,  so  that  entire  days  sometimes  pass  in  this  cere 
mony."  *  In  short,  to  quote  again  from  the  Jesuit  Relations : 
"  The  trouble  caused  by  a  murderer  to  an  entire  community  exer 
cises  a  powerful  restraint  over  them." 2  And  again,  .  .  .  "  their 
justice  is  very  efficacious  for  repressing  evil  ...  for  it  is  the 
public  who  make  reparation  for  the  offenses  of  individuals."3 

Obstinate  adherence  to  a  course  of  action  injurious  to  the  gen 
eral  welfare,  simply  resulted  in  the  expulsion  of  the  offender  from 
his  clan  and  gens.  Such  outlawry  was  as  formidable  a  punish 
ment  to  the  Iroquois  law-breaker  as  death  could  be  to  the  modern 
white  man.  The  sentence  of  outlawry  was  passed  by  the  gentile 
and  tribal  councils,  and  might  be  of  either  one  of  two  grades  of 
severity.  In  one  case  the  man  is  simply  left  without  the  protection 
of  his  gens,  and  his  death  will  be  unavenged :  in  the  second  case, 
it  becomes  the  duty  of  any  member  of  the  tribe  who  meets  him,  to 
put  him  to  death.4  The  outlaw  generally  fled  to  the  woods,  and, 

ajes.  Rel.,  X,  215,  217. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  XXII,  291. 

s  XXXIII,  235.     Cf.  XXVIII,  49;  XIX,  85;  XXXIII,  229  sq. 

4  Powell,  "  Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  pp.  67  and  68. 


STATE  AND   GOVERNMENT.  I  1 1 

finding  others  in  the  same  plight,  would  cast  in  his  lot  with 
them  and  make  his  living  mainly  by  plundering.1  According  to 
Heckewelder :  "  Though  there  are  sometimes  individuals  in  a  na 
tion  who  disregard  the  council  and  good  advice  given  by  the 
chiefs,  yet  they  do  not  meet  with  support  so  as  to  be  able  to  oppose 
the  measures  of  government.  They  are  generally  looked  upon 
as  depraved  beings  who,  not  daring  to  associate  with  the  others, 
lurk  about  by  themselves,  generally  bent  on  mischief  of  a  minor 
kind,  such  as  pilfering  small  articles  of  goods  and  provisions.  As 
soon,  however,  as  they  go  a  step  further,  and  become  known 
thieves  and  murderers,  they  are  considered  a  disgrace  to  the  na 
tion,  and  being  in  a  manner  disowned  by  it,  they  are  no  longer 
entitled  to  its  protection."2 

Heckewelder  goes  on  to  give  an  instance  of  outlawry  met  with 
by  him  among  the  Senecas  :3  "When  in  the  winter  of  1788  and 
1789,  the  Indian  Nations  were  assembling  at  Fort  Harmer  .  .  . 
where  a  treaty  was  to  be  held,  an  Indian  of  the  Seneca  Nation  was 
one  morning  found  dead  on  the  bank  of  the  river.  The  Corn- 
planter,  chief  of  this  nation,  observing  some  uneasiness  among 
the  officers  and  people  of  the  place,  and  fearing  the  murder  might 
create  undue  disturbance,  waited  in  the  morning  on  the  governor, 
whom  he  desired  '  not  to  be  uneasy  about  what  had  happened  the 
preceding  night,  for  the  man  who  had  been  killed  was  of  no  con 
sequence,'  which  statement  meant  that  he  was  disowned  for  his 
bad  conduct  by  his  countrymen,  and  that  his  death  would  not  be 
a  loss  to  his  nation." 

While  ordinary  manifestations  of  a  non-social  spirit  led  to  the 
exclusion  of  the  culprit  from  the  ranks  of  the  clan,  direct  treason 
resulted  in  his  immediate  execution.  Treason  consisted  in  re 
vealing  the  secrets  of  medicine  preparations  supposed  to  bring 
good  fortune,  or  in  giving  any  other  information  or  assistance  to 
enemies  of  the  tribe.  The  criminal  was  tried  before  the  tribal 
council,  and  if  convicted,  was  put  to  death  on  the  spot.4  Such  a 

1Loskiel,  pp.  102-103. 
2 Heckewelder,  p.  in. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  112. 

4  Powell,  "Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  p.  67. 


112  ECONOMICS  OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

person  was  too  dangerous  to  society  to  be  permitted  to  live,  even 
as  an  outlaw.  Witchcraft,  the  injury  of  anyone  by  supernatural 
means,  was  regarded  as  only  a  more  terrible  form  of  treason.1 

Tribal  government,  then,  was  not  merely  a  question  of  the 
orderly  living  together  of  several  sets  of  relatives ;  it  was  rather 
a  system  regulating  the  life  of  a  large  economic  group  composed 
of  many  smaller  organizations  of  the  same  sort.  It  was,  in  fact, 
a  machine  created  by  the  women's  and  men's  clans,  and  controlled 
by  each  exactly  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of  influence  exerted 
by  each  in  economic  life.  Created  and  operated  by  the  clans 
themselves,  with  a  view  to  their  own  prosperity,  the  system  needed 
no  sanction  beyond  public  opinion. 

The  government  of  the  confederacy  embodied  simply  a  repetition 
of  the  principles  animating  gentile  and  tribal  life ;  in  other  words, 
it  was  representative  of  the  clans  of  the  whole  country  of  the 
Iroquois  acting  in  unison.  For  this  purpose  they  had  been  grouped 
in  villages  and  in  tribes,  and  now  these  latter  bodies  were  gathered 
together  in  one  great  nation.  The  governmental  activities  of  the 
confederacy  were  carried  on  by  a  council  consisting  of  the  gentile 
chiefs  of  all  the  different  tribes.2  Their  number,  at  first  fifty, 
was  afterwards  but  forty-eight,  since  two  places  of  the  original 
fifty  were  filled  but  once.  A  certain  name  was  attached  to  each 
office,  and  during  his  term  of  service  each  incumbent  was  known 
by  this  instead  of  his  own  name.  In  a  sense,  therefore,  the  offi 
cials  of  the  confederacy  never  died.  Just  as  the  gentes  and  the 
tribes  were  immortal,  so  also  were  those  who  represented  them 
in  the  government  of  the  confederacy.  Of  the  fifty  chieftainships, 
there  were  nine  among  the  Mohawks,  nine  among  the  Oneidas, 
fourteen  among  the  Onondagas,  ten  among  the  Cayugas  and 
eight  among  the  Senecas.  There  were  three  chiefs  from  each 

1  See  note  I.  Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  LXII,  99;  Morgan,  "League,"  p.  330;  Jes. 
Rel.,  X,  223 — "They  also  punish  sorcerers  severely,  that  is,  those  who 
use  poisoning  and  cause  death  by  charms;  and  this  punishment  is  author 
ized  by  the  consent  of  the  whole  country,  so  that  whoever  takes  them  in 
the  act  has  full  right  to  cleave  their  skulls — without  fear  of  being  called 
to  account." 

2Cf.  Morgan,  " Anc.  Soc.,"  Ch.  5;  Schoolcraft,  "Hist.  Ind.  Tribes," 
III,  186;  Chadwick,  "People  of  the  Longhouse,"  p.  33. 


STATE  AND   GOVERNMENT.  113 

of  the  Mohawk  gens,  and  the  same  from  the  Oneidas :  the  Senecas, 
on  the  other  hand,  had  eight  gentes,  not  all  of  whom  were  repre 
sented  in  the  council.  The  unrepresented  gentes,  however,  were 
probably  small  and  unimportant  offshoots  of  older  bodies.  The 
same  state  of  affairs  is  found  in  the  other  Iroquois  tribes. 

In  council,  the  chiefs  voted  by  tribes,  each  tribe  exercising  the 
same  amount  of  power  as  any  other,  even  though  it  may  have 
had  a  smaller  number  of  representatives.  Unanimity  was  neces 
sary  for  a  decision.  This  was  generally  achieved  through  a  sys 
tem  of  voting  in  classes.  The  exact  principle  upon  which  the 
classes  were  arranged  is  not  clear.  In  all  probability  the  matter 
was  decided  upon  the  basis  of  locality ;  that  is,  if  a  tribe  had  three 
villages,  the  chiefs  in  each  village  would  form  a  class,  and  vote 
as  one  man.1  Hence  the  final  problem  would  involve  only  the 
agreement  of  three  votes  in  order  to  allow  the  tribe  to  vote  as 
a  unanimous  whole.  It  is  obvious  that  by  this  system  two  Bear 
chiefs,  for  instance,  living  in  different  villages,  might  find  them 
selves  voting  in  different  classes.  Now  if  the  gens,  in  the  sense 
of  a  family  stock,  was  really  the  unit  of  Iroquois  politics,  this 
would  be  impossible.  Instead  of  voting  by  villages,  the  chiefs 
would  have  voted  according  to  their  gentes,  all  the  Bears  voting 
together,  and  so  on.  The  chief  was  really  the  representative  of 
the  clan  and  the  village,  and  hence  was  for  all  practical  purposes 
more  closely  allied  with  the  Wolf  and  Turtle  chief  of  his  own 
village,  than  with  other  chiefs  of  the  same  family  stock,  but  of  a 
different  town.  The  method  of  voting  in  the  council  of  the  con 
federacy,  therefore,  forms  only  one  more  proof  of  the  fact  that 
not  merely  blood  relationship,  but  also,  and  primarily,  common 
economic  interests  formed  the  tie  that  bound  the  Iroquois  into  a 
society.2 

1  Cf .  Lloyd,  Appendix  to  Morgan's  "League"  (ed.  1901),  p.  215 — "The 
division  of  the  sachems  of  each  tribe  into  classes,  probably  represents  the 
original  division  of  the  tribe  into  villages." 

2 The  Seneca  Tribe  voted  in  four  classes: — Class  I:  Turtle  chief  and 
Snipe  chief.  Class  II:  Turtle  chief  and  Hawk  chief.  Class  III:  Bear 
chief  and  Snipe  chief.  Class  IV:  Snipe  chief  and  Wolf  chief. 

Cf.  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  p.  131. 
8 


114  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

Besides  the  chiefs  and  their  aids,1  any  other  clansman  or  woman 
could  come  to  the  council  and  express  his  or  her  opinion.  In  the 
confederacy,  as  in  the  gens,  state  and  government  were  kept  in 
close  contact.  Often,  if  the  case  was  an  important  one,  nearly  the 
whole  population  of  all  the  villages  from  near  and  far  would  flock 
to  the  council  meeting.  There,  for  the  sake  of  convenience, 
women  and  warriors,  chiefs  and  old  men,  would  often  hold  their 
separate  councils;  and  eventually,  through  appointed  orators,  ex 
press  their  opinions  before  the  council  of  the  confederacy,  with 
whom  lay  the  power  of  final  decision.2 

The  council  met  regularly  once  a  year  at  Onondaga,  a  central 
point,  and  regarded  as  the  capital  of  the  confederacy.3  It  could 
be  summoned  at  any  other  time  by  any  one  of  the  tribes.  In  that 
case,  the  tribe  in  question  fixed  the  date  and  place  of  meeting.4 

The  functions  of  the  council  were  twofold.  In  the  first  place, 
it  saw  to  it  that  the  internal  affairs  of  the  confederacy  were  in 
good  order ;  it  settled  quarrels  between  the  different  tribes,  in 
vested  chiefs  with  office,  etc. :  in  the  second  place,  it  attended  to 
the  foreign  relations  of  the  confederacy;  and  so  deliberated  upon 
war  and  peace,  sent  and  received  embassies,  and  attended  to  the 
affairs  of  subjugated  tribes5 

1  Morgan,    "  Anc.    Soc.,"     131-132.     "  Each    sachem    had    an    assistant 
sachem,  who  was  elected  by  the  gens  of  his  principal  from  among  its 
members,  and  who  was  installed  with  the  same  forms  and  ceremonies. 
He  was  styled  an  aid.     It  was  his  duty  to  stand  behind  his  superior  on  all 
occasions  of  ceremony,  to  act  as  his  messenger,  and  in  general  to  be  sub 
ject  to  his  directions.     It  gave  to  the  aid  the  office  of  chief,  and  rendered 
probable  his  election  as  the  successor  of  his  principal  after  the  decease 
of  the  latter." 

2  Parkman,  "  Jesuits  in  North  America,"  p.  lix ;  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.," 
p.  128. 

3  Jes.  Rel.,  LI,  237 ;  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  pp.  128,  135. 

4  Lloyd,    Morgan's    "League"    (ed.    1901),    II,    244-245;    The    Huron 
council  met  in  same  manner  at  Ossossane.    Jes.  Rel.,  V,  n.  60,  p.  259, 
261;  XIII,  37. 

5  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  pp.  133,  142-143.     Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus. 
Bui.,  No.  41,  p.  383.     Cf.  Golden,  "  History  of  the  Five  Nations,"  p.  3 : 
"  All  the  nations  round  them  have  for  many  years  entirely  submitted  to 
them,  and  pay  a  yearly  tribute  to  them  in  wampum;  they  dare  neither 


STATE   AND   GOVERNMENT.  I  I  5 

The  confederacy,  like  the  Tribe,  had  no  particular  machinery 
for  executing  its  decisions.  Anything  decreed  by  the  council 
would  be  carried  out  by  special  agents  appointed  for  the  purpose, 
or  by  each  tribe  as  it  saw  fit.  Certain  duties  were  fulfilled  by 
certain  tribes.  Thus  one  of  the  Onondaga  councillors  was  the 
keeper  and  interpreter  of  the  wampum  records,  while  the  Mo 
hawks  saw  to  the  collection  of  tribute  from  subject  tribes.  There 
was  no  chief  executive  magistrate  of  the  confederacy,  since  no 
member  of  the  council  could  claim  any  higher  rank  than  any 
other.  If  one  were  better  known  than  another,  it  was  not  on 
account  of  any  official  distinction,  but  merely  on  account  of  su 
perior  ability,  or  fitness  to  represent  the  nation  in  some  special 
transaction.1 

So  far,  the  subject  under  discussion  has  been  the  government 
of  the  sedentary  community,  as  a  whole.  It  must  not  be  for 
gotten,  however,  that,  for  a  large  portion  of  the  year,  the  men's 
clans  led  a  life  quite  apart  from  the  life  of  the  village,  and  even 
while  there,  they  regarded  themselves  as  more  or  less  transient 
sojourners ;  hence,  the  warriors  had  a  government  of  their  own, 
distinct  from  that  of  the  women's  clans,  and  of  the  sedentary 
community  in  which  the  influence  of  the  latter  tended  to  predom 
inate.  Among  the  Hurons,  according  to  Major  Powell,  the  mili 
tary  government  was  completely  differentiated  from  the  civil.2 
The  former  inhered  in  a  military  chief,  and  in  a  council  composed 
of  all  the  able-bodied  warriors  of  the  tribe.  All  councils  of  war 
were  held  in  the  cabin  of  the  "  great  war  captain,"  and  condemned 

make  war  nor  peace  without  the  consent  of  the  Mohawks.  Two  Old  Men 
commonly  go  about  every  year  or  two  to  receive  this  tribute.  ...  It  is 
not  for  the  sake  of  tribute,  however,  that  they  make  war,  but  from  the 
notions  of  glory  which  they  have  ever  most  strongly  imprinted  on  their 
minds." 

Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXI,  89;  XXXVI,  105;  Chadwick,  "People  of  the  Long- 
house,"  p.  76;  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  41,  p.  457;  School- 
craft,  "Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  III,  185;  Woodward,  "Wampum,"  pp.  16  sq. ; 
Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  p.  149;  Heckewelder,  pp.  56-57,  59,  n.  3;  Carr, 
"  Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst.  Rep.,  1891,  pp.  518,  522. 

1  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  pp.  128,  145 ;  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  231 ;  XII,  53. 

2  Powell,  "  Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  p.  61. 


Il6  ECONOMICS   OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

captives  were  tortured  there.1  Among  the  Iroquois,  says  Lafitau, 
"  The  warriors  have  also  a  separate  council  for  matters  which  are 
in  their  line."2  The  commander-in-chief  of  the  warriors  was 
nominally  the  Head  Chief  of  the  gens.  Lafitau  says,  "  The  chiefs 
of  the  gentes  are  ordinarily  at  their  head,  when  they  have  given 
proof  of  prowess  in  military  affairs,  and  when  they  are  capable  of 
taking  command."3  Nevertheless,  the  Head  Chiefs  were,  as  a 
usual  thing,  only  the  connecting  link  between  the  warriors'  and  the 
women's  clans.  Practically,  the  former  recognized  as  military 
chiefs  those  who  rendered  themselves  worthy  of  the  position,  be 
ing  conspicuous  for  feats  of  valor,  for  good  conduct,  and  service. 
Before  the  formation  of  the  confederacy,  at  any  rate,  no  man 
was  recognized  as  the  war  chief  par  excellence,  though  the  com 
mon  chiefs,  who  took  part  in  the  tribal  council,  were  generally 
recognized  to  be  conspicuous  military  leaders.4  Cusick  says  that 
after  the  formation  of  the  confederacy,  when  a  war  was  under 
taken  which  involved  the  whole  country,  the  Bear  clans  selected 
the  "  Great  Warrior  "  or  commander.5  Mr.  Morgan  says  that 
there  were  two  permanent  war  chiefs  of  the  confederacy;  one 
selected  from  the  Wolf,  the  other  from  the  Turtle  Clan  of  the 
Senecas.6  In  general,  however,  Mr.  Morgan  further  says  that7 
"  Military  operations  were  usually  left  to  the  action  of  the  vol 
untary  principle.  .  .  .  Any  person  was  at  liberty  to  organize  a 
war  party  and  conduct  an  expedition  wherever  he  pleased.  He 
announced  his  project  by  giving  a  war  dance  and  inviting  volun 
teers.  This  method  furnished  a  practical  test  of  the  popularity 
of  the  undertaking.  If  he  succeeded  in  forming  a  company,  which 
would  consist  of  such  persons  as  joined  him  in  the  dance,  they 
departed  immediately,  while  enthusiasm  was  at  its  height.  When 
a  tribe  was  menaced  with  an  attack,  war  parties  were  formed  to 
meet  it  in  much  the  same  manner.  When  forces  thus  raised 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  XIII,  59. 
8  Lafitau,  I,  476. 

3  Ibid.,  pp.  477-481. 

4  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  72-74. 

6  Chadwick,  "  People  of  the  Longhouse,"  p.  43. 

6  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  pp.  146-147. 

7  Ibid.,  pp.  117-118. 


OF  "       - 

UNIVERSITY 
r 


STATE   AND    GOVERNMENT.  I  I/ 

were  united  in  one  body,  each  was  under  its  own  war-captain, 
and  their  joint  movements  were  determined  by  a  council  of  these 
captains.  If  there  was  among  them  a  war  chief  of  established 
reputation,  he  would  naturally  become  their  leader."  Once  made 
up,  a  war  party,  whether  enlisted  for  a  few  days  or  for  several 
years,  formed  a  most  rigid  organization.  Obedience  to  their 
chosen  leaders  was  absolute,  and  desertion  was  punished  by 
death.1 

On  the  hunting  expedition,  the  same  principle  prevailed  as  upon 
the  warpath.  The  men's  clan  in  each  case  was  the  sovereign  body. 
Government  was  carried  on  by  a  council  of  the  hunters.  If  any 
leader  was  needed,  he  was  chosen  for  his  merits  as  a  hunter. 
Women,  if  they  accompanied  the  party,  were  entirely  subordinate 
to  the  men. 

Evidently,  the  government  of  the  Iroquois  was  a  government 
for  and  by  the  clans,  acting  in  an  assembly  composed  either  of 
representatives  or  of  all  the  members  of  a  clan.  The  latter  was 
so  often  the  case  that  according  to  Mr.  Morgan  :2  "  It  may  be  said 
that  the  life  of  the  Iroquois  was  either  spent  in  the  chase,  on  the 
war  path,  or  at  the  council-fire.  They  formed  the  three  leading 
objects  of  his  existence,  and  it  would  be  difficult  to  determine  for 
which  he  possessed  the  strongest  predilection."  "  Practically  con 
sidered,"  says  Schoolcraft,  "  a  purer  democracy  perhaps  never 
existed.  The  chiefs  themselves  had  no  power  in  advance  of 
public  sentiment."3 

The  conception  of  absolute  sovereignty  resting  in  the  clans  need 
be  disturbed  in  no  way  by  the  fact  that  some  authorities  speak 
frequently  of  the  existence  of  an  aristocracy  among  the  Iroquois. 
Lafitau,  for  instance,  speaks  of  the  order  of  the  "  'Qesendouans,' 
that  is  to  say,  noble  families."4  A  Jesuit  chronicler  says,  too, 
that  "  they  have  the  nobility  here  as  well  as  in  France,  and  are  as 
proud  of  it  ... ." 5  Again,  we  find  mention  of  a  woman  "  who 

1  Lafitau,  II,  162. 

2  Morgan,  "  League,"  107-108. 

3  Schoolcraft,  "  Notes  on  the  Iroquois,"  p.  84. 

4  Lafitau,  I,  563. 

6  Jes.  Rel.,  XXVI,  307. 


Il8  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

by  her  noble  birth  is  one  of  the  chief  women  of  Annie  .  .  .  one 
of  those  who  are  noble  and  of  high  station."1  The  "nobility" 
here  spoken  of  were,  in  fact,  only  the  governmental  officials  of 
the  clans.  The  offices  of  chief  and  councillor,  it  will  be  remem 
bered,  were  usually  occupied  by  members  of  some  particular  fam 
ily.  These  people  inherited  office,  however,  only  in  the  sense  that 
their  birth  made  them  ipso  facto  candidates,  butj  their  candidacy 
had  to  be  approved  by  the  clans  and  confirmed  by  an  election: 
before  that  occurred,  their  position  in  the  community  in  no  way 
differed  from  that  of  any  other  member  of  a  clan. 

Nevertheless,  the  Iroquois  village  was  by  no  means  so  complete 
a  democracy  as  Mr.  Morgan  and  others  like  to  picture  it.  In 
every  Iroquois  tribe,  a  large  part  of  the  population  was  practically 
disfranchised.  It  has  been  shown  that  sovereignty  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  clan  organization.  Now,  though  every  one  in  the 
village  was  associated  with  some  gens,  not  everyone  was  a  mem 
ber  in  full  standing  of  either  the  male  or  the  female  clan  of  that 
gens.  On  the  contrary,  in  every  gentile  group  there  were  always 
numbers  of  captives  who,  though  destined  perhaps  to  full  mem 
bership  in  one  of  the  clans,  were  as  yet  still  in  the  slave  status. 
About  1680,  within  a  year  or  two,  thirteen  hundred  such  captives 
were  brought  in  from  neighboring  tribes.2  Most  of  these  addi 
tions  to  the  population  were  boys  and  young  women  and  girls. 
They  were  given  to  such  gentes  as  wished  to  increase  their  num 
bers,  and  in  future  were  regarded  as  belonging  to  that  particular 
group,  rather  as  chattels,  however,  than  as  members  of  the  organ 
ization.3  The  position  of  these  captives  was,  for  a  time  at  least, 
not  at  all  enviable.  The  gens  to  which  they  belonged  would  prob 
ably  protect  them  from  injury  from  outsiders,  but  within  the  gens 
there  was  absolutely  nothing  to  guarantee  their  safety.  Possess 
ing  no  voice  in  council,  and  no  rights  of  any  kind,  they  spent 
their  whole  time  producing  for  the  benefit  of  their  masters.  In 
return  they  received  food  and  shelter  as  long  as  they  were  capable, 

'Jes.  Rel.,  LV,  261-263.     Cf.  XLIII,  299;  LVIII,  185. 
2Jes.  Rel.,  LXII,  71;  XXXVI,  177;  XXXIX,  219. 
3Jes.  Rel.,  XXXI,  53;  XXIV,  285. 


STATE   AND   GOVERNMENT.  IIQ 

healthy,  and  obedient.  An  unskillful  slave  was  sold  for  a  song,1 
and  a  sick  slave  was  either  abandoned  or  killed  outright. 2  The 
least  cause  of  irritation  often  resulted  in  the  death  punishment. 
Young  women  slaves  especially  were  "  constantly  exposed  to 
danger  through  the  brutal  lechery  or  cruelty  of  their  masters  or 
mistresses  ....  The  only  punishment  for  even  their  slightest 
faults  is  death,"  says  a  Jesuit  chronicler.3  Yet  if  she  escaped  all 
these  dangers,  a  young  female  captive  might  in  the  end  hope  to 
marry  an  Iroquois,  and  become  a  matron  of  equal  standing  with 
any  other.  Similarly,  a  male  captive,  after  the  death  of  his  first 
owners,  might  become  a  freeman,  might  marry  and  have  children, 
and  in  case  of  great  ability,  might  even  become  a  leader  in  the 
community.  The  Jesuit  Relations  mention  one  instance  of  the 
latter  sort,  when  speaking  of  a  man  "  formerly  a  captive  of  the 
Iroquois,  and  now  a  captain  among  them."  4  Just  what  was  the 
final  status  of  the  ordinary  captive  blessed  with  no  marked  ability, 
is  a  question  hard  to  decide.  Testimony  rather  goes  to  show  that 
he  never  became  a  clansman  in  the  full  sense  of  the  word,  since 
he  was  never  allowed  to  vote  in  the  council.5  If  this  is  so,  then 
the  number  of  disfranchised  among  the  Iroquois  must  have  been 
comparatively  large.  It  must  be  remembered,  too,  that  captive 
slaves  were  not  the  only  individuals  in  an  Iroquois  village  who 
possessed  no  share  in  sovereignty.  With  the  captives  must  be 
classed  all  males  who  through  laziness  or  some  other  infirmity 
of  body  or  of  will  had  fallen  out  of  the  warriors'  organization 

1  Father  Bressani  says  that  he  was  sold  cheap  (3,000  porcelain  beads), 
because  of  his  lack  of  skill  as  a  laborer  and  his  ailments.  Jes.  Rel., 
XXXIX,  77- 

8  Jes.  Rel,  XLIII,  303. 

»Jes.  Rel.,  XLIII,  295.  Cf.  XLII,  137;  XLIII,  299;  XLIII,  295— 
"  When  a  Barbarian  splits  the  head  of  his  slave  with  a  hatchet,  they 
say:  'It  is  a  dead  dog;  there  is  nothing  to  be  done  but  to  cast  it  upon 
the  dunghill.'" 

4  Jes.  Rel.,  XLII,  57. 

5  Jes.   Rel.,   XLIII,   293 :    "...  those   who,   having  willingly   submitted 
to  the  yoke  of  the  conquerors  .  .  .  have  become  heads  of  families  after 
the  death  of  their  masters,  or  have  married.     Although  they  lead  a  toler 
ably  easy  life,  they  are  looked  upon  as  slaves  and  have  no  voice,  either 
active  or  passive,  in  the  public  councils." 


I2O  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

and  taken  to  doing  women's  work.  These  effeminate  men  were 
not  received  into  the  women's  clan,  but  were  merely  classed  with 
the  slaves,  and  not  permitted  to  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage.1 
A  sort  of  temporary  slavery  was  sometimes  the  fate  of  the 
unsuccessful  gambler.  A  man  might  stake  his  freedom  for  two 
or  three  years,  during  which  time  the  other  party  in  the  game 
employed  him  as  a  servant.  Such  a  slave  was  generally  well 
treated  and  set  free  again  at  the  end  of  his  term.2 

It  is  clear  that  all  that  large  portion  of  the  Iroquois  population 
which  was  debarred  from  free  access  to  the  social  surplus,  a 
privilege  controlled  by  clans  of  which  they  were  not  members, 
were  at  the  same  time,  ipso  facto,  kept  "  without  the  state."  They 
were  a  disfranchised  class  having  no  share  of  sovereign  power, 
and  no  voice  in  the  government  of  the  group  to  which  they  be 
longed.  The  fact  that  they  were  gentiles  made  no  difference  in 
their  lot:  the  essential  fact  was  that  they  were  not  members  of 
clans.  The  clan,  then,  and  not  the  gens  as  such  seems  to  have 
been  the  political  unit  in  the  Iroquois  village;  that  is  to  say, 
economic  conditions,  rather  than  ties  of  kinship  or  religion,  de 
cided  the  form  of  state  and  government  among  the  Iroquois. 

The  position  of  the  Jugglers  or  Medicine-men  in  the  com 
munity,  strengthens  the  hypothesis  just  stated.  These  men  con 
trolled  the  access  to  the  supernatural  powers  without  whose  favor 
no  activities  of  the  clans  could  succeed  in  their  purpose;  hence, 
it  will  be  remembered,3  the  Jugglers  were  able  to  form  a  separate 
income  class,  taking  from  the  clans  a  part  of  their  surplus ;  hence, 
also,  they  controlled  political  life  to  a  certain  extent,  and  were 
able  to  force  their  decisions  upon  the  clans.  According  to  the 
Jesuit  Relations,  it  was  "  the  highest  duty  of  the  Captains  to  obey 
these  impostors."4 

^es.  Rel.,  XLIII,  293;  LVII,  85;  Carr,  "Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst.  Rep.,  1891, 
P.  517. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  XVI,  201. 
3Cf.  Ante,  Distribution. 
*Jes.  Rel.,  XXIII,  45;  XXX,  205. 


CHAPTER   III. 
RELIGION. 

In  the  religious  systems  of  all  primitive  peoples  the  influence 
of  their  economic  life  is  extremely  apparent.  The  nature  and 
relative  authority  of  their  deities,  the  ceremonials  of  their  wor 
ship,  and  the  organization  of  the  worshippers,  may  in  nearly 
every  case  be  considered  the  direct  consequents  of  certain  eco 
nomic  antecedents.  The  savage  always  deifies  the  most  con 
spicuous  sources,  direct  or  indirect,  from  which  he  derives  his 
supply  of  economic  goods,  and  worships  these  divinities  with 
ceremonies  appropriate  to  their  nature.  Moreover,  the  form  of 
organization  of  any  given  people  for  purposes  of  worship,  gener 
ally  corresponds  to  their  organization  for  purposes  of  production. 
In  a  word,  the  main  features  of  the  religious  system  of  any  so 
ciety,  as  Professor  Keasbey  ably  argues,  are  determined  largely 
by  the  manner  and  by  the  method  of  production  characteristic  of 
their  economy. 

The  manner  of  production  usual  in  the  barren  and  jungle  en 
vironment  gives  rise  to  the  lowest  form  of  religious  development, 
— a  simple  Fetishism.  Here  the  nature  of  the  food  supply,  at 
once  so  heterogeneous  and  so  scanty,  offers  but  small  opportunity 
for  the  growth  of  the  powers  of  observation  and  classification. 
The  savage  regards  everything  in  nature  as  possessing  intelli 
gence,  and  therefore  able  to  help  or  hinder  him  in  his  struggle 
for  existence;  hence  the  little  family  group,  wandering  perpetu 
ally  from  place  to  place,  and  dependent  for  subsistence  on 
whatever  it  can  find,  simply  tries  to  propitiate  anything  and 
everything  in  its  immediate  environment  which  might  increase  or 
diminish  its  food  supply.  Such  a  group  has  but  little  idea  of 
any  deities  outside  of  the  material  objects  to  be  seen  around  them, 
or  of  any  specific  forms  of  worship.  Similarly,  as  there  is  no 
cooperation  in  production,  so  also  there  is  none  for  purposes  of 

121 


122  ECONOMICS   OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

worship.  In  the  conditions  giving  rise  to  the  domestic  economy, 
no  organization  outside  of  the  small  family  is  possible  or  desirable. 
Inevitably  then,  the  religious  life  is  carried  on  after  the  same 
manner,  each  individual  having  his  own  charms  for  luck,  and 
performing  whatever  rites  he  may  think  advisable,  at  whatever 
time  and  place  he  wishes.  The  religion  of  the  domestic  econ 
omist,  then,  is  characterized  by  a  promiscuous  fetishism,  by  little 
or  no  development  of  ceremonial,  and  by  a  purely  individual,  or 
at  most  family,  system  of  worship. 

Among  more  favorably  situated  hunting  or  pastoral  tribes 
fetishism  by  no  means  entirely  disappears  ;  at  the  same  time  new 
and  better  conditions  cause  an  advance  in  religious  ideas.  The 
life  of  the  primitive  hunter  or  herder  is  far  less  hap-hazard  and 
hand  to  mouth  than  that  of  the  inhabitant  of  the  desert  or  the 
jungle.  The  former  is  able  to  depend  for  food-supply  on  one 
or  two  great,  and  more  or  less  reliable  sources,  —  cattle,  perhaps, 
as  in  the  Old  World,  or  the  animals  of  the  chase,  as  in  North 
America.1  These  conditions  tend  to  reduce  the  diversity  of  the 
powers  to  be  propitiated.  Instead  of  worshipping  everything 
around  him,  he  confines  his  attention  to  animals  and  to  what 
ever  forces  of  nature  hinder  or  help  him  in  his  pursuit  or  care 
of  them.  The  hunter  or  herder,  however,  is  not  likely  to  wor 
ship  individual  animals.  The  homogeneity  of  his  food  supply 
develops  to  some  extent  the  savage's  power  of  classifying  and 
abstracting.  He  therefore  conceives  the  idea  of  a  type  to  which 
individual  members  of  a  species  conform;  hence  the  type  rather 
than  the  individual  becomes  the  real  object  of  worship.2 


Plains  tribes  of  the  United  States  looked  to  the  buffalo,  and  the 
eastern  Indians  to  the  deer,  bear,  and  other  forest  animals,  as  the  chief 
means  of  satisfying  their  wants. 

2  The  herder  of  the  Old  World  proceeded  somewhat  further,  worshipping 
not  so  much  the  type  of  the  animal,  as  the  procreative  force  which  kept 
up  his  herd.  The  North  American  hunter,  however,  who  lived  on  wild 
animals  with  the  preservation  of  whose  species  he  had  nothing  to  do,  was 
content  with  the  more  primitive  conception;  accordingly  he  imagined  that 
each  animal  species  was  typified  by  some  great  progenitor  or  Elder  Brother, 
and  remained  under  this  mysterious  being's  care.  It  was  primarily  to  the 
latter  that  the  Indian  addressed  his  prayers  and  sacrifices;  while  he  re- 


RELIGION.  123 

As  to  ceremonial  observances,  any  mention  of  the  rites  of  the 
herder — since  pastoral  life  was  unknown  in  North  America — may 
be  omitted  and  only  those  customary  in  hunting  tribes  considered. 
Among  the  latter,  ceremonials  of  worship,  though  still  of  the 
simplest  kind,  are  somewhat  more  regular  and  definite  than  those 
among  the  inhabitants  of  barren  and  jungle  regions.  Just  as 
there  is  an  increasing  clearness  in  ideas  of  the  deities,  so  there 
is  manifest  a  corresponding  development  in  the  forms  by  which 
these  supernatural  powers  are  propitiated. 

In  the  republican  clan  economy,  access  to  the  surplus  is  con 
trolled  mainly  by  the  clan  rather  than  the  individual;  hence 
the  group,  as  such,  offers  prayers  and  sacrifices  to  propitiate 
whatever  powers  have  influence  upon  its  welfare.  In  other 
words,  not  the  individual  member,  but  the  clan  as  a  whole,  under 
its  regular  leaders,  attends  personally  to  the  religious  rites  and 
ceremonies  deemed  necessary  to  keep  the  powers  in  good  humor. 
From  the  very  nature  of  hunting  life,  no  priestly  intervention  is 
needed  between  the  clan  and  its  gods.  Ceremonies,  though  fre 
quent,  are  not  elaborate  enough  to  confuse  any  clan  member; 
furthermore,  in  the  hunting  life,  no  special  class  of  learned  men 
is  needed  to  direct  the  activities  of  the  clan :  hence  no  set  of  men, 
on  the  strength  of  superior  knowledge  of  this  sort,  can  assume 
authority  over  the  rest  and  so  become  the  priestly  class  of  the 
community.  In  the  hunting  life,  then,  organization  for  purposes 
of  worship  is  identical  with  that  formed  for  production. 

Nevertheless,  the  existence  of  jugglers  or  medicine-men  must 
not  be  ignored.  In  the  worship  of  the  deities,  it  is  true,  no 
priestly  class  has  as  yet  arisen.  On  the  other  hand,  the  clan  does 
not  pretend  to  have  any  special  means  of  communicating  with 
supernatural  beings,  or  of  finding  out  their  will;  this  task  is  left 
to  the  jugglers,  each  one  of  whom  claims  to  have  some  special 
friend  among  the  gods  over  whom  he  has  influence;  and  hence 
these  men  in  the  last  resort,  by  controlling  the  clan's  access  to  the 
surplus,  form  a  class  above  the  clan,  and  gain  great  power  over  it. 

In  the  typical  agricultural  community,  a  difference  in  manner 

garded  individual  animals  merely  as  intelligent  beings  on  a  par  with  him 
self. 


124  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

and  a  development  in  method  of  production  cause  a  correspond 
ing  change  in  religious  life.  Plants  and  vegetables  are  now  the 
chief  source  of  the  surplus;  therefore  plant,  rather  than  animal 
deities  are  characteristic  of  agricultural  polytheism.  Moreover, 
the  opportunity  of  the  agriculturist  to  observe  the  phenomena  of 
production  and  growth  causes  an  exaltation  of  the  idea  of  fer 
tility  :  hence  as  the  herder  of  the  Old  World  worshipped  the  pro- 
creative  power  that  kept  up  his  herd,  so  the  agriculturist  adores 
the  productive  and  rejuvenating  force  that  gives  him  his  yearly 
crop  of  corn.  At  the  same  time,  the  extremely  close  relation 
between  climatic  conditions  and  vegetable  life  causes  the  primitive 
agriculturist  to  feel  the  deepest  veneration  for  atmospheric  phe 
nomena,  and  consequently  his  conceptions  of  the  weather  gods 
become  much  clearer  and  more  definite  than  those  of  the  hunter. 

The  fact  that  agricultural  operations  are  carried  on  in  regular 
succession  at  certain  fixed  seasons  of  the  year  causes  a  corre 
sponding  regularity  and  fixedness  in  the  performance  of  religious 
rites  and  ceremonies.  It  is  in  spring  and  fall,  the  seasons  of 
planting  and  harvesting,  that  the  chief  religious  festivals  take 
place.  With  decreasing  frequency  and  increasing  regularity  of 
occurrence  comes  at  the  same  time  an  increase  in  elaborateness 
of  form.  Where  in  a  hunting  group  the  favor  of  the  gods  is 
sought  by  means  of  a  feast  differing  little  from  the  ordinary  social 
gatherings  of  friends,  in  the  agricultural  community  the  same 
end  must  be  sought  through  a  comparatively  elaborate  religious 
festival,  marked  by  a  considerable  amount  of  form  and  ritual. 

In  connection  with  the  religious  observances  of  the  typical  com 
munal  clan,  there  arises  a  special  class  of  persons  charged  with 
the  management  of  the  seasonal  festivals.  This  body,  in  arrang 
ing  the  calendar  of  the  year,  grows  comparatively  learned  in  such 
simple  scientific  laws  as  are  of  importance  to  the  agriculturist; 
thus  there  comes  into  existence  a  distinct  priesthood,  whose  recog 
nized  function  is  to  carry  on  the  religious  life  of  the  community, 
and  to  direct  to  a  certain  extent  the  conduct  of  economic  opera 
tions.  As  time  goes  on,  these  men  are  regarded  not  only  as 
knowing,  but  also  as  controlling  the  workings  of  natural  forces. 
In  the  hunting  tribe,  each  medicine-man  obtains  a  certain  power 


RELIGION.  125 

over  the  clan,  as  a  result  of  his  supposed  influence  with  some 
special  divinity ;  but  the  priesthood  in  the  agricultural  society 
forms  an  organized  body,  arrogating  to  itself  the  power  of  con 
trolling  natural  forces  in  general :  as  a  consequence,  the  claim  of 
the  jugglers,  though  temporarily  it  may  stand  side  by  side  with 
that  of  the  priesthood,  finally  goes  down  before  the  latter,  and  the 
priestly  body  stands  forth  as  an  autocratic  power  in  the  com 
munity. 

To  recapitulate:  the  hunter's  religion  is  a  polytheism  in  which 
the  chief  gods  are  animal  types  and  such  natural  forces  as  are 
most  manifestly  of  influence  upon  animal  and  human  life:  in  an 
agricultural  society  plant  deities  take  the  chief  place,  and  at  the 
same  time  there  is  a  more  developed  worship  of  the  productive 
powers  of  nature  and  of  atmospheric  phenomena :  among  hunters, 
religious  ceremonies  are  frequent,  but  exceedingly  simple;  among 
agriculturists,  they  are  less  frequent,  but  more  regular  and  formal : 
the  republican  clan  carries  on  its  own  worship  without  the  inter 
vention  of  a  third  party,  although  it  may  look  to  the  sorcerers  for 
information  in  certain  emergencies :  the  communal  clan  is  char 
acterized  by  the  presence  of  a  priesthood  which  takes  upon  itself 
the  general  direction  of  all  religious  and  even  of  economic  activi 
ties. 

In  each  of  the  culture  stages  outlined  above,  the  natural  con 
servatism  of  religious  feeling  may  cause  the  preservation  of  many 
deities  and  ceremonies  whose  genesis  is  to  be  traced  to  economic 
conditions  long  since  past.  A  study  of  a  people  whose  religion 
is  characterized  by  such  features  gives  much  satisfactory  evidence 
of  the  truth  of  the  theory  postulating  the  economic  antecedents  of 
religion.  There  is  other  proof,  however,  which  is  even  more  con 
vincing.  This  proof  is  to  be  found  in  the  analysis  of  the  religion 
of  a  people  whose  economy  is  in  a  transitional  state.  In  such  a 
society,  if  the  hypothesis  is  correct,  religious  thought  will  be  found 
undergoing  a  transitional  process  corresponding  to  that  taking 
place  in  the  manner  and  methods  of  production;  and  hence  fea 
tures  of  religion  characteristic  of  both  the  older  and  newer  econ 
omy,  will  sometimes  stand  forth  with  almost  equal  prominence. 
That  the  Iroquois  economy  was  in  such  a  transitional  state  is  a 


126  ECONOMICS   OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

fact  too  familiar  to  need  repetition.  The  real  question  is  whether 
their  economic  development  was  reflected  in  the  growth  of  their 
religious  conceptions. 

Many  of  the  more  modern  writers  ascribe  to  the  Iroquois  a 
comparatively  well-developed  monotheistic  conception  of  God.1 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  who  knew  them  best, 
and  the  more  careful  investigations  of  the  present  day,  unite  in 
contradicting  any  such  assertion.  Le  Jeune,  for  instance,  says  of 
the  Hurons :  "  They  have  neither  sought  nor  recognized  him 
(God)  except  on  the  surface  of  created  things,  in  which  they 
have  hoped  for  happiness,  or  dreaded  some  misfortune."2  What 
Le  Jeune  says  of  the  Hurons  seems  to  have  been  true  also  of  the 
Five  Nations.  All  these  tribes  had  many  divinities  of  divers 
sorts ;  each  divinity  owing  its  origin  to  some  aspect  of  the  economic 
relationship  between  man  and  his  environment. 

The  tendency  towards  fetishism,  so  strong  among  domestic 
economists,  was  still  to  a  certain  degree  apparent  in  the  Iroquois 
religion.  The  Iroquois  were  likely  to  regard  all  things  animate 

1  Schoolcraft,  "  Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  I,  31,  32,  35 ;  Morgan,  "  League,"  149 
sq. ;  Chadwick,  "  People  of  the  Longhouse,"  pp.  134  sq. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  X,  159.  Cf.  Lloyd,  notes  to  Morgan's  "League"  (ed.  1901), 
II,  333-335-  Compare  with  this  the  statement  of  the  Sack  chief  (Jes. 
Rel.,  LVII,  283)  :  "  We  care  very  little  whether  it  be  the  devil  or  God 
who  gives  us  food.  We  dream  sometimes  of  one  thing,  sometimes  of 
another;  and  whatever  may  appear  to  us  in  our  sleep,  we  believe  that  it 
is  the  manitou  in  whose  honor  the  feast  must  be  given,  for  he  gives  us 
food;  he  makes  us  successful  in  fishing,  hunting,  and  all  our  undertak 
ings." 

Cf.  Also  the  Jesuits'  assertion  in  regard  to  the  Missisakiks  (Jes.  Rel., 
LV,  221)  :  "Their  training  and  the  necessity  of  seeking  their  livelihood 
have  reduced  them  to  such  a  condition  that  all  their  reasoning  does  not 
go  beyond  what  relates  to  the  health  of  their  bodies,  and  the  success  of 
their  hunting  and  fishing,  and  good  fortune  in  trade  and  in  war.  And  all 
these  things  are,  as  it  were,  so  many  axioms  from  which  they  draw  all 
their  conclusions — not  only  as  regards  their  residence,  occupations,  and 
manner  of  acting,  but  even  as  regards  their  superstitions  and  divinities." 

Of  the  Illinois,  a  tribe  whose  civilization  was  very  like  that  of  the 
Iroquois,  the  Jesuit  Relation  says  (Jes.  Rel.,  LXVI,  233)  :  "  As  all  their 
knowledge  is  limited  to  the  knowledge  of  animals  and  of  the  needs  of  life, 
so  it  is  to  these  things  that  all  their  worship  is  limited." 


RELIGION.  127 

and  inanimate  as  possessing  an  intelligence  similar  to  their  own ; 
to  anything,  therefore,  which  for  the  moment  seemed  capable  of 
helping  or  hindering  them,  they  were  ready  to  give  presents  and 
address  conciliatory  and  friendly  speeches.  Of  the  Hurons,  one 
of  the  Jesuits  says :  "  They  address  themselves  to  the  Earth,  to 
Rivers,  to  Lakes,  to  dangerous  Rocks,  .  .  .  and  believe  that  all 
these  things  are  animate."  *  On  the  way  to  Quebec  particular 
rocks  were  often  invoked  by  the  Hurons.2  Among  the  Five 
Nations  the  same  custom  prevailed  in  regard  to  the  rocks  along 
certain  routes.3  In  general,  however,  individuals  of  any  par 
ticular  class  of  objects  were  not  regarded  as  supernatural  beings, 
but  rather  as  reasonable  persons,  to  be  treated  like  ordinary  men. 
As  an  example  of  this,  there  may  be  cited  an  occurrence  among 
the  Pottawatamies  on  Green  Bay.  A  young  man  of-  this  tribe 
was  killed  by  a  bear.  Thereupon,  his  friends  and  relatives  made 
war  on  the  bears,  killing  five  hundred,  "  as  satisfaction  for  the 
death  of  that  young  man  who  had  been  so  cruelly  treated  by  one 
of  their  nation."4 

Notwithstanding  this  tendency  towards  fetishism,  the  Iroquois 
inclined  more  and  more  to  the  worship  of  types  or  abstractions  of 
classes  of  objects  or  beings,  than  to  the  adoration  of  individual 
specimens.  Their  life  as  hunters  had  changed  their  religion  from 
a  mere  fetishism  to  a  fairly  well  developed  polytheism.  Their 
hunting  life,  in  the  first  place,  had  led  to  the  apotheosis  of  various 
animal  species.  Every  species  of  animal  was  supposed  to  have  a 
great  progenitor  or  "  elder  brother,  who  is,  as  it  were,  the  source 
and  origin  of  all  individuals,  and  this  elder  brother  is  wonderfully 
great  and  powerful."5  To  see  one  of  these  in  a  dream  meant  luck 
in  hunting.  Besides  cherishing  a  general  respect  for  all  animal 
species,  each  Iroquois  gens,6  furthermore,  chose  a  particular  one  as 

'Jes.  Rel.,  X,  159.     Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  167;  VIII,  121;  LXVIII,  47. 
2Jes.  Rel.,  X,  165. 

3  Jes.  Rel.,  XLIV,  25-27.     Cf.  V,  285;  XIII,  270-271;  XXXIII,  225. 

4  Jes.  Rel.,  LX,  153. 

6  Powell,  "Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1879-1880,  p.  65;  Chadwick, 
"  People  of  the  Longhouse,"  pp.  83-84. 

6  The  Ball  gens  is  an  apparent  exception.  But  this  group  was  probably 
a  subdivision  of  the  "  Small  Turtle."  See  Chadwick,  "  People  of  the 
Longhouse,"  p.  84. 


128  ECONOMICS   OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

its  special  symbol  and  tutelary  god.  These  divinities  represented 
classes  of  animals  of  use  in  satisfying  vital  wants,  or  else  having 
some  less  direct  influence,  beneficial  or  otherwise,  upon  economic 
welfare.  The  Iroquois  legend  of  the  origin  of  gentile  totems 
probably  tells  the  exact  truth  in  the  matter.  Mrs.  Smith,  in  her 
paper  on  "  Myths  of  the  Iroquois,"  relates  as  follows :  "  Later,  as 
the  numerous  families  became  scattered  over  the  state,  some  lived 
in  localities  where  the  bear  was  the  principal  game,  and  were  called 
from  that  circumstance  the  clan  of  the  Bear.  Others  lived  where 
the  beavers  were  trapped,  and  they  were  called  the  Beaver  clan. 
For  similar  reasons,  the  Snipe,  Deer,  Wolf,  Tortoise,  and  Eel 
clans  received  their  appelations."  1  Not  only  each  gens,  but  also 
each  village  possessed  its  special  symbol  and  tutelary  divinity, 
quite  unconnected  with  the  gentile  totems.2  Every  individual, 
likewise,  had  his  tutelary  demon,  to  which  none  was  more  devoted 
than  the  hunter,  who,  having  made  his  selection,  after  retirement 
into  the  forest,  rigorous  fasting,  and  observance  of  dreams,3 
thenceforth  during  his  life  offered  to  this  special  divinity  prayers 
and  sacrifices  through  means  of  various  symbols  which  he  con 
sidered  appropriate.4 

Just  as  hunting  life  had  caused  the  apotheosis  of  certain  animal 
species,  so  the  growing  importance  of  agriculture  among  the  Iro 
quois  led  gradually  to  the  deification  of  those  plants  upon  which 
the  people  depended  for  vegetable  food.  The  most  prominent  of 
these  divinities  were  the  spirits  of  maize,  of  beans,  and  of  pump 
kins.  These  were  called  "  The  Three  Sisters,"  and  were  the  ob 
jects  of  special  reverence.  Other  spirits,  even  to  that  of  the 
strawberry,  were  also  worshipped,  and  thanked  for  their  services. 5 

The  adoration  of  plant  life  was  common  to  all  the  Iroquois 
settlements.  Plant  deities  differed  from  animal  deities,  however, 

'Smith,  "Myths  of  the  Iroquois,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1880-1881,  p.  76.  Ibid., 
p.  77- — Some  gentes  even  went  to  the  length  of  claiming  these  divinities 
as  their  own  ancestors.  Cf.  Lloyd,  Morgan's  "League,"  II,  218.  (Ed. 
1901.) 

2  Chadwick,  "  People  of  the  Longhouse,"  p.  85. 

3Lafitau,  I,  Jes.  Rel,  XIII,  270;  LVII,  277. 

4  Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  LVII,  277. 

5  Payne,  "  History  of  America,"  I,  464,  note  I. 


RELIGION.  129 

in  this :  individuals,  gentes,  and  villages, — all  chose  certain  animals 
as  objects  of  their  special  worship;  whereas  plants  were  wor 
shipped  by  all  alike.  This  will  appear  strange  when  it  is  remem 
bered  that  the  Iroquois  were  at  the  time  of  the  Discovery,  even 
more  dependent  on  agriculture  than  on  hunting  for  a  livelihood. 
The  reason  for  the  predominance  of  animal  deities  may  probably 
be  found  in  the  undeniable  conservatism  of  religion.  Agriculture, 
as  the  newer  manner  of  production,  had  as  yet  failed  to  dislodge 
the  older  divinities  of  the  hunting  life  from  their  topmost  place  in 
the  scale  of  importance.  Eventually,  if  Iroquois  civilization  had 
been  allowed  to  grow  on  undisturbed,  we  might  have  found  new 
settlements  taking  maize  or  the  bean  or  the  pumpkin,  instead  of 
the  bear  or  the  wolf  or  the  deer,  as  their  tutelary  divinity. 

The  Iroquois  worshipped  not  only  the  spirits  of  plants  and 
animals  representing  the  direct  sources  of  their  supply,  but  also 
the  more  conspicuous  natural  phenomena  influencing  their  welfare. 
The  sky,  the  sun,  the  rejuvenating  power  of  nature,  rain,  and 
warm  winds  were  adored  as  blessing-bringing  deities;  frost,  hail, 
and  cold  winds  were  propitiated  as  harbingers  of  evil. 

The  sky  and  the  sun  would  naturally  be  regarded  as  divine 
powers  by  the  most  primitive  people.  Without  air  and  light 
and  warmth,  it  was  perfectly  obvious  that  both  they  and  all 
animals  and  plants  would  perish :  hence  they  came  vaguely  to  re 
gard  sky  and  sun  as  creating  and  ruling  over  all  living  things. 
Le  Clerq  says  that  the  Gaspesiens,  a  wild  forest  hunting  and 
fishing  tribe  near  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  worshipped  the 
sun  as  the  author  of  all  things.  At  dawn  and  at  dusk  they  came 
out  of  their  cabins,  turned  their  faces  toward  the  sun,  and  saluting 
with  voice  and  gesture,  made  a  prayer  for  prosperity  in  war  and 
in  hunting  and  fishing,  for  health  for  themselves  and  their  fam 
ilies,  etc.1  The  Souriquois,  a  Nova  Scotian  tribe,  also  believed 
in  a  god  whom  they  called  by  the  same  name  as  the  sun  and 
whom  they  invoked  in  times  of  great  need,  saying,  '  Our  Sun,  or 
our  God,  give  us  something  to  eat."  2  These  nomad  hunters, 

*Le  Clercq,  165  sq. 

ajes.  Rel.,  Ill,   133.     Cf.  Accounts  of  Quebec  Indians:  Jes.  Rel.,  IV, 
203;  V,  35;  153,  note  41.    Also  Jes.  Rel.,  VI,  161,  163,  173;  XXXIX,  15; 
9 


130  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

however,  had  but  very  indistinct  ideas  of  the  divinities  they  in 
voked.  Had  the  Iroquois  remained  merely  hunters  and  warriors, 
their  notions  might  have  been  no  less  faint  and  obscure.  But  to 
them  as  semi-agriculturists,  the  vital  importance  of  sunlight,  air 
and  moisture  was  ever  increasingly  apparent.  Whether  a  sum 
mer  was  warm  or  cool,  cloudy  or  clear,  whether  frosts  came  early 
or  late,  was  of  immensely  greater  importance  to  them  as  agricul 
turists  than  as  hunters.  Hence  the  Iroquois  had  formed  some 
fairly  clear  conceptions  of  the  different  supernatural  beings  in 
whom  they  saw  personified  the  several  phenomena  so  influential 
in  their  economic  life,  and  around  these  deities  they  had  assembled 
a  well  developed  series  of  legends  and  beliefs. 

The  foremost  of  the  Iroquois  divinities  was  the  Sky,  per 
sonified  as  Taronhiawagon,  the  Holder  of  the  Heavens  and  the 
Master  of  Life,  declaring  his  will  in  dreams.1  To  the  Hurons, 
the  Sky  was  "  a  power  which  rules  the  seasons  of  the  years, 
which  holds  in  check  the  winds  and  waves  of  the  sea,  which  can 
render  favorable  the  course  of  their  voyages  and  assist  them  in 
every  time  of  need."  2  If  a  man  was  drowned,  if  an  unseasonable 
frost  injured  the  maize  crop,  the  Hurons  believed  that  it  was  all 
due  to  the  anger  of  the  Sky.  To  both  Hurons  and  Iroquois 
proper,  the  Sky  tended  to  take  the  place  corresponding  to  that 
of  Jove  in  Greek  mythology. 

Agreskoui,  the  other  great  divinity  of  the  Iroquois  proper, 
seems  to  have  been  a  personification  of  the  Sun,  as  distinct  from 
the  Sky.  Agreskoui  was  also  regarded  as  a  god  whose  influence 
was  to  be  felt  on  every  side.  He,  too,  like  Taronhiawagon  was 
called  "  Master  of  Life,"  and  continually  invoked  "  in  the  forests 
and  during  the  chase,  on  the  waters  and  when  in  danger  of  ship 
wreck."  To  him  the  first  fruits  of  every  enterprise  were  always 

L,  285;  Perrot,  Ch.  5,  notes,  p.  276;  Schoolcraft,  "Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  V, 
64;  La  Potherie,  I,  121. 

'Jes.  Rel.,  X,  323;  LIV,  65;  LV,  61 ;  VIII,  note  36.  Hale,  "Iroquois 
Book  of  Rites,"  in  Brinton's  "Library  of  Aboriginal  American  Litera 
ture,"  No.  2,  p.  74.  Parkman,  "Jesuits  in  North  America,"  Vol.  I> 
Introd.,  p.  Ixxvii. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  161  sq. 


RELIGION.  131 

offered.1      Warriors,  too,  regarded  the  sun  as  their  special  god, 
and  occasionally  offered  him  the  flesh  of  captives.2 

Taronhiawagon  and  Agreskoui,  however  much  the  conception 
of  them  may  have  been  clarified  by  the  agricultural  experience  of 
the  Iroquois,  were  evidently  personifications  of  the  sky  and  the 
sun,  which  took  their  rise  primarily  in  the  mind  of  the  hunter  and 
warrior.  The  forces  of  nature  manifesting  themselves  especially 
in  regeneration,  growth,  and  prosperity  in  both  animal  and  vege 
table  life,  seem  to  have  been  personified  in  Jouskeha,  a  god  of 
Huron  origin,  but  venerated  by  all  the  Iroquois.  Most  investi 
gators  regard  the  adoration  of  Jouskeha  as  simply  another  aspect 
of  sun-worship.  Mr.  Hewitt,  on  the  other  hand,  insists  that 
Jouskeha  represented  not  the  sun  in  particular,  but  the  repro 
ductive  and  rejuvenating  powers  of  nature.3  The  Iroquois 
legends  themselves  are  somewhat  obscure  on  this  point.  The 
version  cited  by  Mr.  Hewitt  makes  Jouskeha  the  grandson  of 
Eyatahentsic,  the  wife  of  Taronhiawagon.  According  to  this 
account,  Jouskeha  is  the  grandson  of  the  Sky  and  of  the  Earth, 
and  has  nothing  in  particular  to  do  with  the  Sun.  But  whether 
Jouskeha  is  regarded  as  simply  another  personification  of  the 
powers  centered  in  the  Sun,  or  whether  it  is  believed  that  he 
represented  to  the  Iroquois  something  quite  distinct  from  the 

'Jes.  Rel.,  V,  286;  XXXIII,  225;  XXXIX,  207;  LIII,  225;  LVII,  97. 
Parkman,  "  Jesuits  in  North  America,"  Vol.  I,  Introd.,  p.  Ixxvii. 

2  Subordinate  to  the   sun   in   this  capacity  were   two  other  war  gods. 
Among  the  Iroquois  the  subordinate  deity  was  Echo.     This  God,  accord 
ing  to   Mrs.    Smith,   "  only  exercised  his  power   during  their  wars   with 
other  tribes,  in  which  by  repeating  among  the  hills  their  cries  of  Go-weh, 
he  insured  their  almost  certain  victory.     He  was  even  honored  with  spe 
cial  Thanksgiving.     ("Mythology  of  Iroquois,"  Eth.   Rep.,   1880-1881,  p. 
52.) 

The  Hurons  recognized  another  god  of  war.  This  deity,  Le  Jeune  says : 
".  .  .  they  imagine  as  a  little  dwarf  ...  he  appears  to  many  when  they 
are  on  the  point  of  going  to  war.  He  caresses  some — a  sign — that  they 
will  return  victorious ;  others  he  strikes  upon  the  forehead,  and  these  can 
truly  say  that  they  will  not  go  to  war  without  losing  their  lives.  (Jes. 
Rel.,  X,  183.) 

3  Hewitt,  "  Cosmogonic  Gods  of  the  Iroquois,"  American  Assoc.  Adv. 
Sci.  Proc.,  1895,  pp.  241-250. 


132  ECONOMICS  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

Sun,  is  really  not  a  matter  of  great  moment.  The  essential 
point  is  that  in  Jouskeha  the  Iroquois  evidently  embodied  those 
mysterious  forces  of  reproduction  and  growth,  whose  impor 
tance,  though  perceptible  to  him  as  a  hunter,  became  increas 
ingly  obvious  as  he  came  to  depend  more  and  more  upon  agri 
culture  as  the  source  of  his  food  supply.  Jouskeha  was  par 
excellence  the  beloved  and  beneficent  deity  of  the  Hurons  and 
Iroquois.1  He  created  the  earth  and  everything  in  it.  To 
his  activity  were  due  the  lakes  and  streams  with  their  fish,  the 
woods  with  their  game,  and  the  fields  with  their  crops  of  maize 
and  pumpkins.  He  sent  the  refreshing  showers  and  the  warmth 
necessary  for  the  growth  of  plants.  To  him,  also,  mankind  owed 
the  knowledge  of  fire.  Like  a  man  he  grew  old,  but  in  a  moment 
he  could  rejuvenate  himself,  and  become  a  young  man  of  twenty 
or  thirty  years ;  thus,  though  to  some  extent  subject  to  the  weak 
nesses  of  humanity,  Jouskeha  never  died.  To  him  no  prayers  or 
sacrifices  were  made,  since  his  benevolent  nature  demanded  no 
propitiation.2 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  V,  285,  286;  VIII,  117,  303;  X,  129,  133,  135  sq.,  323;  XLII, 
149;  Perrot,  "  Memoires,"  n.  161  (Tailhan).  Parkman,  "Jesuits  in  North 
America,"  Vol.  I,  Introd.,  pp.  Ixxv-lxxvii. 

2 "Moreover,  they  esteem  themselves  greatly  obliged  to  this  personage; 
for,  in  the  first  place,  according  to  the  opinion  of  some — without  him  we 
would  not  have  so  many  fine  rivers,  and  so  many  beautiful  lakes.  In  the 
beginning  of  the  world,  they  say,  the  earth  was  dry  and  arid;  all  the 
waters  were  collected  under  the  armpit  of  a  large  frog,  so  that  Jouskeha 
could  not  have  a  drop  except  through  its  agency.  One  day,  he  resolved 
to  deliver  himself  and  all  his  posterity  from  this  servitude;  and  in  order 
to  obtain  this,  he  made  an  incision  under  the  armpit,  whence  the  waters 
came  forth  in  such  abundance  that  they  spread  throughout  the  whole 
earth,  and  hence  the  origin  of  rivers,  lakes,  and  seas.  .  .  .  They  hold 
also  that  without  Jouskeha  their  kettles  would  not  boil,  as  he  learned 
from  the  Turtle  the  process  of  making  fire.  Were  it  not  for  him,  they 
would  not  have  such  good  hunting  and  would  not  have  so  much  ease  in 
capturing  animals  in  the  chase,  as  they  now  have.  For  they  believe  that 
animals  were  not  at  liberty  from  the  beginning  of  the  world,  but  that 
they  were  shut  up  in  a  great  cavern,  where  Jouskeha  guarded  them.  .  .  . 
However,  one  day  he  determined  to  give  them  liberty  in  order  that  they 
might  multiply  and  fill  the  forests, — in  such  a  way,  nevertheless,  that  he 
might  easily  dispose  of  them  when  it  should  seem  good  to  him.  This  is 


RELIGION.  133 

In  Nature,  it  is  obvious  even  to  the  savage  eye  that  a  constant 
struggle  goes  on  between  positive  and  negative  forces.  Hence 
as  in  Jouskeha  the  Iroquois  reverenced  the  productive  and  re 
juvenating  power  in  Nature;  so  in  Ataentsic,  his  mother — or 
according  to  some  legends,  his  grandmother — and  in  Tawiscara, 
his  twin  brother,  they  embodied  their  fear  of  the  destructive 
elements  which  so  often  spoiled  their  hunting  and  ruined  their 
crops.  According  to  Mr.  Hewitt's  version  of  the  tale,  Ataentsic, 
the  wife  of  Taronhiwagon,  fell  from  the  sky  upon  the  back  of  a 
turtle,  where  she  gave  birth  to  a  daughter,  who  in  turn  gave  birth 
to  twin  sons,  Jouskeha  and  Tawiscara.  Ataentsic,  Mr.  Hewitt 
thinks,  is  a  personification  of  the  night  and  the  earth,  while  her 
daughter  is  to  be  identified  with  the  moon.  Other  legends,  how 
ever,  contain  no  mention  of  Ataentsic's  daughter,  but  make 
Ataentsic  herself  the  mother  of  Jouskeha  and  Tawiscara,  and  the 
personification  of  the  moon.  In  any  case,  Ataentsic  is  generally 
regarded  as  the  goddess  of  disease  and  death:  Tawiscara,  with 
whom  Jouskeha  carried  on  a  mortal  struggle,  represents  all  that 
is  destructive  in  frost,  hail,  ice,  etc.  In  all  that  the  latter  did,  he 
was  aided  by  Ataentsic.  The  idea  of  the  powers  of  disease, 
death,  and  night  combining  with  the  powers  of  cold  and  damp 
ness  to  work  destruction  to  life  on  the  earth  would  arise  naturally 
in  the  savage  mind.  As  Mr.  Hewitt  says,  "  the  effects  of  frost 
and  cold  are  best  seen  in  the  morning,  when  the  god  of  ice  and 

what  he  did  to  accomplish  his  end.  In  the  order  in  which  they  came 
from  the  cave,  he  wounded  them  all  in  the  foot  with  an  arrow.  How 
ever,  the  Wolf  escaped  the  shot;  hence,  they  say,  they  have  great  diffi 
culty  in  catching  him  in  the  chase. 

They  pass  yet  beyond  this,  and  regard  him  as  profane  Antiquity  once 
did  Ceres.  According  to  their  story,  it  is  Jouskeha  who  gives  them  the 
wheat  they  eat;  it  is  he  who  makes  it  grow  and  brings  it  to  maturity. 
If  they  see  their  fields  verdant  in  the  Spring,  if  they  reap  good  and 
abundant  harvests,  and  if  their  Cabins  are  crammed  with  ears  of  corn, 
they  owe  it  to  Jouskeha.  I  do  not  know  what  God  has  in  store  for  us 
this  year;  but  to  judge  from  the  reports  going  round,  we  are  threatened 
in  earnest  with  a  great  scarcity.  Jouskeha,  it  is  reported,  has  been  seen 
quite  dejected,  and  thin  as  a  skeleton,  with  a  poor  ear  of  corn  in  his 
hand."— Jes.  Rel.,  X,  pp.  135  sq. 


134  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROOUOIS. 

cold  has  accomplished  his  nefarious  work  under  cover  of  dark 
ness." 

Though  the  conception  of  the  creative  and  destructive  forces 
in  nature  as  supernatural  beings,  was  evidently  clarified  and 
extended  by  agricultural  life,  it  seems  to  have  proceeded  orig 
inally  from  hunting  experience.  On  the  other  hand,  certain 
specific  phenomena  seem  to  have  been  deified  by  the  Iroquois 
purely  as  a  consequence  of  their  increasing  attention  to  agricul 
ture.  The  chief  of  these  were  rain,  and  the  west  and  north 
winds.  Summer  showers  so  necessary  for  a  successful  harvest, 
and  often  coming  in  the  shape  of  thunder  storms,,  were  worshipped 
in  the  person  of  He-no,  the  Thunderer.  This  god  the  Iroquois 
always  called  "  grandfather."  They  invoked  him  at  seed  time 
and  rendered  him  public  thanksgiving  at  the  Harvest  celebration. 
The  west  wind  was  revered  as  the  brother  of  He-no,  since  the 
two  together  brought  rain.  The  north  wind,  on  the  other  hand, 
which  often  brought  frost  to  kill  the  unripe  corn,  was  feared  and 
propitiated  as  an  evil  deity.1  The  earth,  though  perhaps  in  the 
purely  hunting  stage  identified  to  some  extent  with  Ataentsic,  the 
evil  deity,  gradually,  as  the  Iroquois  depended  more  and  more 
upon  the  food  produced  by  their  fields,  came  to  be  reverenced  as 
their  mother  and  bountiful  benefactor.  "  We  return  thanks,"  ran 
the  Seneca  prayer,  "  to  our  mother,  the  earth,  which  sustains  us." 2 

It  seems  clear,  then,  that  the  religion  of  the  Iroquois  was  not 
monotheistic  in  character.  Neither  was  it  marked  by  a  well 
developed  polytheistic  hierarchy,  such  as  is  characteristic  of  a 
nation  in  which  the  religion  of  one  group  has  been  super 
imposed  upon  that  of  another,  a  conquered  people.  In  fact, 
the  Iroquois  creed  acknowledged  but  a  simple  polytheism,  in 
which  many  divinities  stand  side  by  side,  each  claiming  a  certain 
amount  of  veneration  from  the  savage  worshipper.  In  their 
nature  and  attributes,  these  deities  reflect  the  transitional  state 
of  the  Iroquois  economy.  It  must  be  remembered  that  a  part  of 
the  Iroquois  population  still  consisted  of  hunters  and  warriors ; 

1  Morgan,  "  League,"  pp.  149  sq. ;  Smith,  "  Myths  of  the  Iroquois,"  Eth. 
Rep.,  i88o-'8i,  p.  154. 

2  Morgan,  "  League,"  pp.  219-221. 


RELIGION.  I  3  5 

this  fact,  taken  together  with  that  of  the  conservatism  of  religious 
tradition,  accounts  for  the  prominence  of  deities  whose  origin 
must  be  traced  to  the  wants  and  satisfactions  of  the  hunting  life : 
yet,  undoubtedly,  many  of  these  conceptions  had  been  changed 
and  extended  as  a  result  of  the  growing  importance  of  cultivated 
plants  in  the  estimation  of  the  Iroquois.  Furthermore,  certain 
deities,  the  worship  of  which  goes  back  to  an  exclusively  agri 
cultural  origin,  had  been  added  to  the  already  existing  group,  as 
the  result  of  years  of  maize  culture  on  the  part  of  a  portion  of 
the  population.  In  the  case  of  the  Iroquois,  therefore,  it  seems 
justifiable  to  assert  that  the  nature  of  the  deities  they  worshipped 
was  the  logical  outcome  of  the  manner  in  which  they  carried  on 
production. 

The  ceremonies  by  which  the  Iroquois  deities  were  worshipped 
are  to  be  classified  under  as  many  headings  as  the  deities  them 
selves;  that  is  to  say,  there  is  one  form  of  worship  which  was 
universally  accorded  to  the  hunting  divinities ;  another  sort  which 
belonged  primarily  to  those  connected  with  agriculture. 

The  religious  rites  observed  by  the  Iroquois,  as  hunters,  were 
frequent  and  simple.  Hunters  and  warriors  pursue  their  calling 
practically  all  the  year  round,  and  so  feel  more  or  less  constantly 
their  dependence  upon  the  powers  governing  their  economic 
welfare.  As  the  conception  of  the  importance  of  these  deities 
was  extended  under  the  influence  of  agricultural  life,  the  fre 
quency  of  these  ceremonies  increased,  until  almost  every  activity 
of  individuals  or  villages  was  accompanied  by  some  act  of  wor 
ship.  Among  the  Hurons,  writes  a  Jesuit  father,  "...  their 
remedies  for  diseases ;  their  greatest  amusements  when  in  good 
health ;  their  fishing,  their  hunting,  and  their  trading ;  the  suc 
cess  of  their  crops,  of  their  wars,  and  of  their  council ; — almost 
all  abound  in  diabolical  ceremonies."  *  Hardly  any  feast  was  held 
at  which  some  tobacco  or  fat  was  not  thrown  into  the  fire  as  a 
mark  of  respect  to  some  deity  or  deities.2  Most  of  these  offerings 
were  to  the  Sky  and  Sun.  Among  the  Hurons  a  sacrifice  of  to 
bacco  was  made  to  the  Sky  for  a  successful  maize  crop,  and  to  the 

'Jes.  Rel.,  XXVIII,  53. 

2Jes.  Rel,  X,  159,  324;  XXXIX,  13;  LI,  183. 


136  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

Sun  and  Moon  for  success  in  war  and  hunting1  The  Iroquois 
proper  were  in  the  habit2  of  taking  the  leg  of  a  deer  or  bear  or 
some  other  wild  beast,  rubbing  it  with  fat,  and  throwing  it  on  the 
fire ;  at  the  same  time  praying  the  sun  to  accept  their  offering,  to 
light  their  paths,  to  lead  them  and  give  them  victory  over  their 
enemies,  to  make  their  corn  grow,  and  to  give  them  a  successful 
hunting  or  fishing  season.  To  Agreskoui,  some  of  the  flesh  of 
the  first  deer  killed  on  the  hunt,  or  of  the  first  fish  caught  by  the 
fishing  expedition  was  dedicated  by  the  Iroquois.3  Tobacco  and 
game,  however,  were  not  the  only  offerings  made  to  the  Sky  and 
Sun.  According  to  Lafitau,4  "  Our  Iroquois  sometimes  place  in 
the  open  air,  on  top  of  their  cabins,  branches  and  collars  of  per- 
celaine,  clusters  of  their  Indian  corn,  and  even  animals  that  they 
consecrate  to  the  Sun."  The  Jesuit  Relations  testify,  further,  to 
the  fact  of  occasional  human  sacrifices  to  Agreskoui  in  his  capacity 
of  War  God.  On  one  occasion,  a  female  captive  was  killed, 
while  "  an  old  man  cried  in  a  loud  voice,  '  Aireskoi,  we  sacrifice 
to  thee  this  victim  that  thou  mayest  satisfy  thyself  with  her  flesh, 
and  give  us  victory  over  our  enemies/  "5  As  a  general  rule, 
however,  human  sacrifices  did  not  occur  in  Iroquois  worship. 
Offerings  for  the  most  part  consisted  of  meat,  maize,  tobacco  and 
wampum,  and  were  made  at  pleasure  by  any  who  so  desired.  Be 
sides  sacrifices,  the  Iroquois  used  dances  and  feasts  as  a  means  of 
propitiating  supernatural  powers.  Among  the  Hurons,  especially, 
nearly  all  formal  dances  were  essentially  religious  rites,  abounding 
in  ceremonies.6  Feasts  for  religious  purposes  were  constantly 
being  given, — for  instance,  to  restore  virtue  to  a  charm  supposed 
to  bring  good  luck  in  hunting,  or  to  effect  the  cure  of  the  sick.7 
Fasting,  as  well  as  feasting,  played  no  small  part  in  the  life  of 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  XXIII,  55;  LVIII,  181. 

2Carr,  "Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst.  Rep.,  1891,  p.  SSL     Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  159; 
XXXIX,  13. 

3  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXIX,  209. 

4  Lafitau,  I,  179.    Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  XLII,  197. 

5  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXIX,  219;  cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  XIX,  71. 

6  Jes.  Rel.,  XVII,  129,  163,  155-157- 

7  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  209;  XX,  51;  XVII,  209;  XIV,  61  sq.;  LVII,  123;  LX, 
187. 


RELIGION.  137 

the  Iroquois  hunter  and  warrior.  The  practice  of  fasting  was 
based  partly  on  the  idea  of  propitiating  the  gods  by  such  a  sacri 
fice  of  personal  comfort  in  their  honor :  but  the  main  cause  of  its 
continuance  was  probably  the  dreams  and  visions  which  naturally 
resulted  from  excitement  and  weakness  induced  by  starvation. 
The  object  was  to  bring  favorable  dreams,  and  give  the  power 
of  seeing  and  understanding  things  above  the  ordinary  compre 
hension.  Long  fasts  were  thus  often  undertaken  to  insure  luck 
in  games,  in  hunting,  and  in  war.1  All  these  sacrifices,  feasts, 
dances  and  fasts,  it  must  be  remembered,  took  place  at  any  time 
that  it  pleased  an  individual  or  a  group,  or  seemed  to  be  advisable 
for  the  welfare  of  the  community.  This  sort  of  worship,  char 
acteristic  of  the  religion  of  a  hunting  people,  was  quite  impromptu, 
and  was  constantly  going  on. 

Maize  culture,  and  the  rise  of  religious  conceptions  based  on 
agricultural  experiences,  led  to  the  institution  among  the  Iroquois 
of  a  new  and  additional  series  of  religious  observances.  Certain 
great  festivals  were  now  held  in  honor  of  the  plant  deities  and 
the  forces  influencing  plant  life.  Owing  to  the  very  nature  of 
the  agricultural  life,  with  its  fixed  seasons  devoted  to  sowing, 
cultivation  and  harvest,  the  festivals  celebrating  these  important 
events  took  on  a  fixed  and  regular  character  and  were  conducted 
according  to  a  comparatively  formal  ritual.  Of  the  six  or  eight 
great  annual  religious  festivals  of  this  nature,  the  most  impor 
tant  were  the  Planting,  the  Green-corn  and  the  Harvest  celebra 
tions.  The  celebration  held  in  spring  at  the  corn-planting  season 
lasted  for  seven  days,  each  day  occupied  with  a  regular  program 
of  feasts,  dances,  and  ceremonies  of  various  sorts.  Their  object 
was  in  the  main  to  invoke  the  gods  for  the  success  of  the  crop.2 
The  Green-corn  festival  followed  next  in  order  of  importance. 
This,  too,  lasted  several  days,  and  was  marked  by  a  regular  suc 
cession  of  prayers,  dances  and  feasts.  It  was  a  time  of  thanks 
giving  "  to  our  mother,  the  earth,  which  sustains  us,  to  the  corn 
and  to  her  sisters,  the  beans  and  the  squashes,  which  give  us 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  189,  IQ9,  203-205,  207;  XII,  69;  XXIII,  155;  LVII,  273. 

2  Morgan,   "League,"   pp.    193,   196;    Smith,   "Myths   of  the   Iroquois," 
Eth.  Rep.,  i88o-'8i,  p.  115. 


138  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

life,  ...  to  the  sun  . .  .  that  he  looked  upon  the  earth  with  a  benefi 
cent  eye.  ..."  This  was  the  gala  season  of  the  Indian  year. l 
Another  festival  took  place  at  the  time  of  the  final  harvest,  when 
the  ripe  corn  was  gathered  in.  The  Indian  name  of  this  feast 
signified  "  thanksgiving  to  our  supporters  "  [the  corn,  the  bean 
and  the  squash].2  The  celebration  lasted  four  days,  and  was 
a  time  of  general  rejoicing.  Similar  festivals,  though  of  less 
duration,  celebrated  the  coming  of  the  maple  sugar  and  straw 
berry  seasons.3 

It  is  clear  that  the  existence  of  two  sets  of  deities,  the  one 
hunting,  the  other  agricultural,  led  to  the  rise  of  two  varieties  of 
religious  observances.  The  one,  characteristic  of  the  hunting  life, 
was  marked  by  few  ceremonies,  and  was  almost  constantly  in 
evidence ;  the  other  was  the  outgrowth  of  agricultural  conditions. 
Worship,  in  the  latter  case,  was  carried  on  by  means  of  festivals 
occurring  at  fixed  and  relatively  far  distant  intervals,  and  char 
acterized  by  a  considerable  amount  of  formality. 

For  purposes  of  worship,  the  organization  of  the  Iroquois  was 
still  largely  that  characteristic  of  the  republican  clan.  All 
worship  except  that  of  the  tutelary  divinity  of  each  person  was 
carried  on,  not  by  the  individual,  but  by  the  economic  organization 
to  which  he  belonged.  In  religion,  as  in  production,  the  individ 
ual  Iroquois  enjoyed  no  great  importance.  Feasts,  dances,  and 
rites  of  any  great  significance,  were  carried  on  by  the  gens,  the 
village,  or  the  whole  tribe,  according  as  the  object  to  be  accom 
plished  was  more  or  less  local  ;4  in  an  act,  therefore,  of  propitia 
tion  or  thanksgiving  in  which  the  whole  village  was  interested, 
the  affair  became  one  of  general  participation.  In  such  events 
all  the  gentes  were  likely  to  take  part,  the  members  of  each  wear- 

1  Carr,  "  Mounds,"  Sm.  Inst.  Rep.,  1891,  p.  551 ;  Morgan,  "  League,"  pp. 
198  sq. ;   Smith,  "Myths  of  the  Iroquois,"   Eth.  Rep.,   1880-1881,  p.   115. 
The  Green-corn  festival  of  the  Iroquois  was  the  less  developed  form  of 
the  Great  Feast  of  the  Busk  observed  by  the  Gulf  State  Indians. 

2  Morgan,  "  League,"  pp.  206-207 ;  Smith,  "  Myths  of  the  Iroquois,"  Eth. 
Rep.,  1880-1881,  p.  115. 

8  Morgan,  "  League,"  pp.  187,  197. 

4  Morgan,  "Anc.  Soc.,"  p.  82;  Powell,  "  Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep., 
1879-1880,  pp.  64,  65;  Jes.  Rel,  XLII,  197. 


RELIGION.  139 

ing  the  peculiar  adornments  of  the  gens,  such  as  tatooed  designs,, 
chaplets,  and  ornaments  of  various  sorts ;  the  ceremonies  being 
arranged  and  directed  by  the  chiefs,  who  found  such  duties  not 
the  least  onerous  of  those  connected  with  their  office;1  and  thus 
the  clans  and  villages  under  the  direction  of  their  chiefs  carried  on 
the  religious  as  well  as  the  productive  activities  of  the  community. 

Yet,  there  were,  at  the  same  time,  indications  of  the  develop 
ment  of  a  priestly  order  such  as  is  usual  in  the  typical  communal 
clan.  Mr.  Morgan  says  that  for  the  management  of  the  great 
agricultural  festivals  there  was  associated  with  the  chiefs  a  body 
of  people  called  "  Keepers  of  the  Faith." 2  These  were  equal  in 
number  with  the  chiefs,  and  were  elected  by  each  gens,  just  as 
were  the  chiefs.  After  their  election,  they  were  installed  with 
suitable  ceremonies  by  the  tribal  council,  and  given  new  names 
significant  of  their  office.  Men  and  women  were  chosen  in  about 
equal  numbers,  the  females  being  charged  with  the  duty  of  pre 
paring  the  food  consumed  at  the  festivals.  It  was  not  possible 
to  refuse  the  office,  but  after  a  reasonable  period  of  service,  the 
incumbent  might  resign,  dropping  his  official  name  and  resuming 
the  one  he  originally  bore.  Consequently,  though  the  ceremonies 
attendant  upon  hunting  life  demanded  the  creation  of  no  special 
officials,  the  greater  regularity  of  agricultural  life  resulted  in  the 
rise  of  a  set  body  of  a  quasi-priestly  character.  These  Keepers 
of  the  Faith,  however,  were  as  yet  merely  elected  representatives 
of  the  clan;  and  hence  one  is  justified  in  concluding  that  among 
the  Iroquois,  the  organization  of  worshippers  was  identical  with 
that  already  in  existence  for  purposes  of  production. 

The  secret  societies  of  the  Iroquois  were  perhaps  merely  an 
extra  manifestation  of  the  spirit  of  clan  and  tribal  worship. 
Their  relation  to  the  latter  organizations,  however,  is  not  en 
tirely  clear.  Perhaps  it  may  be  concluded  with  Mr.  Morgan,  that 
there  was  one  such  society  in  each  phratry.3  Apparently,  how- 

>Jes.  Rel.,  X,  231;  XVII,  201;  XXIII,  109,  185,  243;  XXVI,  265; 
XXVIII,  87. 

2  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  p.  82,  note  2. 

8  Morgan,  "  Anc.  Soc.,"  p.  97.  The  phratry,  a  subdivision  of  the  Iro 
quois  population  becoming  prominent  only  in  religious  and  social  life. 


I4O  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

ever,  not  everybody  in  the  phratry  belonged  to  the  society.  In 
these  associations  men  and  women  seem  to  have  been  on  an  equal 
footing,  all  being  under  oath  to  keep  secret  the  mysteries  of  the 
organization.  Each  society  had  its  own  dances  and  ceremonies 
which  it  performed  upon  request  for  the  cure  of  the  sick  and  for 
other  like  purposes.1  Anyone  who  had  been  the  object  of  one  of 
these  rites  thenceforward  belonged  to  the  fraternity  by  which  it 
had  been  performed.  Le  Jeune  tells  of  a  Huron  who  upon  the 
manifestation  of  certain  symptoms  was  "  declared  to  belong  en 
tirely  to  the  Brotherhood  of  Lunatics  .  .  . ;  the  remedy  which  is 
used  in  this  disease  ...  is  the  dance  they  call  Otakrendorae ;  the 
brethren  they  call  Atirenda."  2 

Of  all  the  organizations  hitherto  spoken  of  not  one  professed 
to  exist  for  any  other  purpose  than  that  of  worship.  Propitiation 
and  praise  were  their  functions,  and  they  did  not  profess  to  have 
any  special  means  of  knowing  the  will  of  the  gods.  This  latter 
power,  on  the  contrary,  was  supposed  to  belong  to  individuals, 
especially  to  those  gifted  ones  known  as  sorcerers,  jugglers,  or 
medicine  men. 

Every  adult  Iroquois  regarded  his  or  her  dreams  as  special 
messages  sent  by  Taronhiawagon  and  the  multitude  of  dream 
spirits  subordinate  to  him.3  If  a  hunter  dreamed  that  a  feast  was 
necessary  in  order  to  insure  a  good  hunting  season,  he  would 
inform  the  chiefs  and  instantly  the  whole  machinery  of  the  com 
munity  would  be  set  in  motion  and  a  great  feast  given.  Any  one 
who  refused  to  carry  out  a  dream,  even  though  it  concerned  only 
the  welfare  of  the  individual  dreamer,  "  draws  upon  himself  the 
hatred  of  all  the  dreamer's  relatives,  and  exposes  himself  to  feel 
the  effects  of  their  anger."4  The  Hurons  were  even  more  super- 
Each  tribe  had  two  phratries,  made  up  of  several  gentes,  probably  all 
subdivisions  of  an  original  gens. 

Cf.  Powell,  "  Wyandot  Gov't,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1870-1880,  pp.  60  sq. ;  Morgan, 
"Anc.  Soc.,"  pp.  90-101. 

xjes.  Rel.,  XXX,  23;  LXIII,  306;  XVII,  197. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  X,  207. 

3  Jes.  Rel.,  LIV,  65,  97,  99- 

*  Jes.  Rel.,  LIT,  125.  Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  LV,  61.  At  midwinter  an  annual 
festival  was  held  in  honor  of  dreams.  This  was  a  time  of  license  and 


RELIGION. 

stitious  in  regard  to  their  dreams  than  were  the  Iroquois  proper. 
Of  them  La  Jeune  says :  "  The  dream  is  the  oracle  that  all  these 
poor  people  consult  and  listen  to,  the  Prophet  which  predicts  to 
them  future  events,  the  Cassandra  which  warns  them  of  misfor 
tunes  that  threaten  them,  the  usual  Physician  in  their  sicknesses, 
the  Esculapius  and  Galen  of  the  whole  country,, —  the  most  abso 
lute  master  they  have.  If  a  captain  speaks  one  way  and  a  dream 
another,  the  captain  might  shout  his  head  off  in  vain, — the  dream 
is  first  obeyed."  1  Sorcerers,  among  both  Iroquois  and  Hurons, 
were  individuals  gifted  with  especial  powers  of  dreaming  and  of 
otherwise  finding  out  the  desires  of  the  gods  and  of  influencing 
their  actions.2  These  sorcerers  were  probably  men  and  women 
constitutionally  fitted  to  endure  long  fasts  and  vigils,  and  who 
consequently  had  vivid  dreams;  at  the  same  time,  they  were 
undoubtedly  persons  of  superior  intellect  who  had  gained  much 
empirical  knowledge  through  observation  of  what  went  on  around 
them.  The  result  was  that  they  gained  great  power  over  their  less 
intelligent  or  less  well-informed  fellow  clans-people.  Some  of 
them  even  went  so  far  as  to  claim  that  they  themselves  were 
divinities.3  Whether  they  aspired  to  be  considered  divine,  or 
merely  friends  of  the  gods,  they  undoubtedly  held  a  superior  place 
in  the  community.  A  class  standing  between  the  clans  and  the 
sources  of  the  surplus,  on  account  of  their  supposed  influence  with 
the  supernatural  powers  controlling  that  surplus,  they  must  be 
treated  as  an  organization  outside  of  the  clan,  both  from  the 
economic  and  from  the  religious  point  of  view. 

Sorcerers  usually  claimed  preeminence  as  belonging  to  one  of 
three  classes ;  they  might  be  prophets  or  seers ;  they  might  be 
masters  of  the  elements ;  or  they  might  be  healers  of  diseases. 4 

confusion,  when  everyone  tried  to  guess  everyone  else's  dreams  and  soul 
desires.  A  general  interchange  of  property  often  resulted. 

Cf.  Smith,  "Myths  of  the  Iroquois,"  Eth.  Rep.,  1880-1881,  pp.  112-118; 
Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  207. 

^es.  Rel.,  X,  169,  sq.     Cf.  XV,  177;  XXXIII,  189  sq. 

2Jes.  Rel.,  X,  197;  XVII,  195;  XIX,  171;  XXXIX,  21;  XXXIII,  193; 
VIII,  125,  261. 

»  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  205. 

*Jes.  Rel.,  X,  193-195. — "There  are  among  these  people  men  who  pre 
sume  to  command  the  rain  and  winds;  others  to  predict  future  events; 


142  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

The  predictors  of  future  events,  especially  those  who  were  skillful 
in  foretelling  the  results  of  war  and  in  discovering  the  size  and 
position  of  hostile  bands,  had  considerable  influence  in  time  of 
war.5  In  seasons  of  drought,  especially  in  the  sandy  Huron 
country,  where  rain  for  the  corn-fields  was  needed  every  other 
day,  those  sorcerers  who  professed  to  be  masters  of  the  elements 
and  to  be  able  to  bring  rain  were  the  most  powerful  persons  in 
the  community.  There  was  no  limit  to  the  servile  obedience 
that  a  well-known  rain-maker  could  exact  from  the  whole  country 
side  in  return  for  his  services  at  such  times.2  But  according  to 
Le  Jeune  and  to  most  other  witnesses,  the  busiest  and  most  power 
ful  among  the  sorcerers  were  those  who  pretended  to  be  able  to 
cure  the  sick  by  means  of  their  magic  arts.1  In  the  clan  economy, 
where  everyone  takes  part  in  production,  no  misfortune  is  more 
frequent  or  more  dreaded  than  illness  and  helplessness.  Any 
ailment  not  obviously  due  to  some  natural  cause  was  supposed  to 
find  its  origin  in  some  unsatisfied  desire  of  the  patient's  soul,  or 
in  some  evil  spell  or  charm.  Now  the  sorcerer  was  the  only 
physician  who  could  find  out  the  nature  of  either  of  these  causes 
of  disease,  and  cure  the  patient;4  hence  this  class  of  magicians 
was  a  large  and  influential  one.  In  a  previous  chapter,  the 
place  these  doctors  occupied  in  the  distributive  system  of  the 
Iroquois,  and  the  amount  of  tribute  that  they  exacted  from  the 
common  clans-people  in  return  for  their  services  has  been  spoken 
of.  All  the  above  mentioned  sorcerers  were  regarded  as  public 
benefactors,  and  were  highly  honored  and  respected.  Of  the 
opposite  class  of  magicians — the  malignant  witches  and  wizards — 

others  to  find  things  that  are  lost;  and  lastly,  others  to  restore  health  to 
the  sick." 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  XIX,  83;  XXVI,  175. 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  35  sq.     Cf.  XXIII,  55. 

3  Jes.  Rel.,  XIII,  203;  XXXIX,  17,  21;  XL,  239.     Cf.  Ch.  V,  General 
Culture. 

4  These  doctors  were  divided  into  two  classes :    (o)   Those  who  diag 
nosed  the  case,  discovering  the  cause  of  the  illness  by  means  of  pyro- 
manchy,  feasts,  dances,  etc.,  and   (&)   those  who  endeavored  to  cure  the 
disease  by  incantations,  potions,  blowing,  etc.     Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  VIII,   123; 
XIII,  33;  XVII,  213;  XV,  179;  XXX,  199  sq. 


RELIGION.  143 

mention  has  been  made  in  a  previous  chapter.1  They  were  be 
lieved  to  practice  their  arts  in  secret  and  always  with  malevolent 
intentions.  They  were  accused  of  having  power  to  cause  death 
and  disease,  to  blast  the  crops,  to  bring  bad  weather,  etc.  Mary 
Jemison  says  that  great  numbers  of  persons  of  both  sexes  were 
put  to  death  upon  this  charge.2 

To  be  brief,  the  religion  of  the  Iroquois  was  that  of  a  tribe  of 
hunters  upon  which  was  being  gradually  super-imposed  the  beliefs 
and  ceremonies  characteristic  of  an  agricultural  community.  They 
feared  or  revered  the  objects  of  utility  or  disutility  to  them  in  their 
hunting  life,  the  different  animal  species,  and  also  the  natural 
phenomena — the  sky,  the  sun  and  moon,  the  waters  and  winds — 
which  seemed  to  influence  their  existence.  In  all  this,  they  did 
not  differ  essentially  from  their  nomadic  hunting  neighbors  to 
the  north  of  them.  But  agriculture  had  brought  with  it  an  in 
creased  reverence  for  the  sky  and  the  sun,  the  wind  and  rain, 
shown  in  the  greater  clearness  and  definiteness  of  their  mythology 
as  compared  with  that  of  the  northern  forest  tribes.  It  had  also 
added  to  the  occasional  and  irregular  ceremonies  characteristic 
of  the  purely  hunting  tribe,  certain  set  and  regular  observances 
celebrating  the  important  dates  of  the  agricultural  year.  As  yet 
there  was  not  much  development  of  a  priesthood  beyond  that 
characteristic  of  the  hunting  stage;  but  the  growth  of  the  agri 
cultural  clan  and  the  settlement  of  the  people  in  permanent  villages 
caused  worship  to  be  more  regularly  carried  on  by  the  clans,  as 
such,  with  more  formality,  and  with  the  aid  of  a  certain  number 
of  specially  delegated  officials.  Over  these  worshipping  commu 
nities  the  sorcerer,  as  revealer  of  the  divine  will,  gained  more 
power  than  he  could  have  had  over  the  small  and  changing  groups 
of  the  hunting  tribe.  The  Iroquois  and  the  Hurons,  therefore, 
furnish  a  striking  example  of  the  religious  life  of  the  hunting 
tribe  in  process  of  transformation  into  that  characteristic  of  a 
typical  agricultural  community. 

1  See  Chapter  II,  State  and  Government. 

2 "  Life  of  Mary  Jemison,"  pp.  182-183.     Cf.  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXIII,  217  sq. 


CHAPTER   IV. 
MORALS. 

The  Religious  beliefs  of  the  Iroquois  had  little  or  no  bearing 
upon  their  moral  code.  To  quote  from  Mr.  Lloyd :  "  The  beauti 
ful  and  elevating  conception  of  the  Great  Spirit  watching  over 
his  red  children  from  the  heavens,  and  pleased  with  their  good 
deeds,  their  prayers  and  their  sacrifices,  has  been  known  to  the 
Indians  only  since  the  Gospel  of  Christ  was  preached  to  them.  .  .  . 
In  the  early  days  the  various  divinities  were  simply  powers  to 
be  propitiated,  but  of  influence  on  conduct  and  morals,  there  was 
not  much  more  in  the  Indian  belief  and  observances  than  in  a 
gambler's  charms  for  luck."1  The  Indians'  code  of  morality  was, 
in  fact,  the  direct  outcome  of  their  life  as  hunters  and  warriors 
and  primitive  agriculturists.  In  their  estimation,  manly  virtue 
meant  any  qualities  that  tended  to  make  good  hunters  and  war 
riors  ;  virtue  in  women  was  synonymous  with  skill  in  agriculture 
and  housekeeping ;  and  virtue  in  general  meant  the  possession  of 
qualities  likely  to  fit  an  individual  of  either  sex  for  usefulness  as 
a  clan  member.  It  came  about,  therefore,  that  the  ideal  man  of 
the  Iroquois  was,  above  all  things,  brave  and  daring;  at  the  same 
time,  also,  he  possessed  fortitude,  patience  and  self-control.  On 
the  other  hand,  industry,  economy,  patience,  and  prolificness  were 
the  chief  virtues  of  the  ideal  woman. 

The  clan  system  of  organization  necessitated  the  presence  of 
certain  qualities  in  all  the  members  of  the  community.  The 
fact  that  every  individual  member  of  a  clan  was  dependent  for 
his  own  well  being  upon  the  prosperity  of  the  organization  caused 
the  idealization  of  the  virtues  of  hospitality,  truthfulness,  honesty, 
and  chastity  in  the  ordinary  life  of  all  persons  within  the  village. 
Hospitality  was  taken  for  granted,  since  in  reality  all  property 
within  the  clan  was  common,  and  only  possessed  by  individuals 
1  Morgan's  "League"  (ed.  1901),  Appendix,  II,  pp.  333-335- 

144 


MORALS.  145 

for  convenience's  sake.  Theft  was  unnecessary  and  ridiculous, 
since  any  one  could  have  what  he  wanted,  if  he  would  take  the 
trouble  to  ask  for  it.  Lying,  between  brothers  and  allies,  could 
not  be  tolerated,  since  the  whole  efficacy  of^the  clan  organization 
depended  upon  the  existence  of  a  perfect  understanding  among 
its  members.  Thus  all  these  virtues,  so  strong  among  the  Iro- 
quois,  were  either  natural  consequents  of  clan  life,  or  necessitated 
in  order  to  keep  up  a  strong  organization. 

Another  virtue  of  the  Iroquois — respect  for  old  age — seems  to 
have  been  the  result  of  the  double  clan  life.  In  the  purely  no 
madic  existence  of  the  Algonquin  forest  hunter,  where  only  the 
able-bodied  and  young  could  endure  the  long  journeys,  and  where 
food  was  often  scarce,  it  was  considered  at  times  a  filial  duty  to 
put  to  death  the  old  and  helpless.1  Among  the  Iroquois,  on  the 
contrary,  agricultural  pursuits  and  a  settled  life  in  permanent 
villages  gave  assurance  of  peace  and  plenty ;  the  experienced  ad 
vice  of  the  aged,  furthermore,  was  valuable  to  both  warriors  and 
agriculturists:  hence  old  age  was  revered  and  cherished. 

The  same  ethical  code  which  demanded  truthfulness,  hospitality 
and  generosity  to  some  of  their  fellows,  countenanced  and  even 
exacted  in  the  conduct  of  the  Iroquois  toward  others  any  amount 
of  cruelty,  deception,  and  treachery.  The  clan  system  of  organ 
ization,  in  fact,  gave  rise  to  a  two  sided  morality.  Within  the 
clan  and  village  all  was  kindness  and  brotherly  love;  without  its 
limits,  every  man's  hand  was  against  every  man.  The  Jesuit 
accounts  of  the  treatment  of  condemned  captives  in  the  Iroquois 
villages  are  simply  blood-curdling  in  their  horrible  details.  The 
very  man  who  would  cheerfully  give  his  last  morsel  of  food  to  a 
starving  fellow  clansman  would  take  the  greatest  pleasure  in  tor 
menting  by  the  hour  some  helpless  stranger,  or  assassinating  him 
from  ambush.  Nevertheless,  it  was  this  very  pitilessness  which 
strengthened  the  clan  in  the  eyes  of  its  neighbors,  and  permitted 
its  success  in  the  hard  struggle  for  existence. 

Briefly,  then,  among  the  Iroquois,  a  good  hunter  and  warrior, 
hospitable,  truthful,  and  honest  in  his  relations  with  his  fellows, 
was  considered  a  man  of  ideal  character.  Similarly  a  woman 

1Lafitau,  I,  490. 
10 


146  ECONOMICS   OF   THE   IROQUOIS. 

who  was  a  good  farmer,  housekeeper  and  mother,  fulfilled  her 
whole  duty  in  life.  Outside  their  own  society  none  of  these 
virtues  was  required.  Treachery,  murder,  and  theft  in  dealing 
with  tribes  not  in  alliance  with  their  own,  the  Iroquois  considered 
perfectly  legitimate.  This  whole  moral  code  is,  as  has  been 
pointed  out,  directly  traceable  to  the  economic  conditions  under 
which  the  Iroquois  carried  on  their  struggle  for  existence.1 

*Jes.  Rel.,  VIII,  127;  X,  175;  XXXVIII,  267;  LXIII,  201.  Lafitau, 
I,  583.  Schoolcraft,  "Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  III,  190,  191.  Chadwick, 
"  People  of  the  Longhouse,"  pp.  122,  123  sq.  La  Hontan,  "  Voyages,"  II, 
no. 


CHAPTER   V. 
THE  GENERAL  CULTURE  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

Economic  conditions,  it  has  been  demonstrated,  explain  the 
peculiarities  of  the  family,  the  state  and  government,  and  the 
religion  of  the  Iroquois.  Finally,  it  is  evident  that  to  their  life 
as  hunters,  or  as  agriculturists,  or  as  both,  may  be  traced  the  most 
striking  features  of  their  general  culture. 

Active  life  in  the  open  air,  the  severe  military  training,  and  the 
temperance  and  self-control  necessary  in  the  life  of  the  good 
hunter  and  warrior, — all  contributed  to  make  the  Iroquois,  phys 
ically,  fine  specimens  of  humanity.  The  men  were  tall,  often  six 
feet  in  height,  well  proportioned,  with  regular  features  and  com 
paratively  light  complexions.1  The  Hurons,  too,  were  "  all  well 
made  men  of  splendid  figures,  tall,  powerful,  good-natured,  and 
ablebodied."2  "  Their  senses,"  the  Jesuit  says,  "  are  most  per 
fect,  .  .  .  they  have  exceedingly  acute  vision,  excellent  hearing, 
an  ear  for  music,,  and  a  rare  sense  of  smell.  With  this  sense 
they  frequently  discover  fire  long  before  seeing  it."3  Lafitau 
adds  his  testimony  to  that  of  the  author  just  quoted.  Their  sense 
of  orientation,  he  says,  was  remarkably  strong.  It  was  aided  by 
observation  of  the  trees,  whose  tops  in  that  region  generally  lean 
toward  the  south,  and  whose  bark  is  thicker  on  the  north  side 
than  on  the  south. 

The  observation  of  the  heavenly  bodies  for  purposes  of  orienta 
tion  on  the  hunt  or  on  the  war  path  had  led  to  a  certain  amount 
of  astronomical  knowledge.5  The  Iroquois  distinguished  between 
different  constellations,  and  recognized  that  the  stars  had  a  fixed 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  LVIII,  263. 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  VI,  25. 

•  Jes.  Rel.,  XXXVIII,  259. 

4  Lafitau,  II,  240. 

5  Morgan,  "League,"  pp.  441-442;  Lafitau,  II,  235  sq. 

147 


148  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

relation  to  each  other  as  far  as  position  was  concerned.  Run 
ners  of  the  Confederacy  in  autumn  and  winter  directed  their 
course  by  observation  of  the  Pleiades.  They  called  the  group 
"  Te  liennonniakoua  " ;  i.  e.  The  Dancers.  In  spring  and  sum 
mer,  they  took  as  their  guide  another  group — four  stars  at  the 
angles  of  a  rhombus,  which  they  called  the  Loon.  The  Polar 
Star  was,  however,  their  main  guide  on  their  journeys.  "  They 
call  the  Polar  Star  '  lateonattenties '  (the  star  which  never 
moves).  ...  It  is  this  polar  star  which  directs  them  in  their 
journeys,"  says  Lafitau.  Venus,  or  the  Morning  Star,  they  knew 
and  called  "  Te  Ouentenhaouitlia  "  (She  brings  the  day).  The 
Milky  Way  they  called  "  The  Road  of  Souls."  The  Great  Bear 
was  also  recognized  by  the  Iroquois,  and  called,  curiously  enough, 
the  Bear — (Okonari).  In  short,  the  Iroquois  may  be  said  to  have 
known  just  as  much  siderial  astronomy  as  was  useful  to  them  as 
hunters  and  warriors :  further  knowledge  they  neither  needed  nor 
possessed. 

The  needs  of  their  life  as  hunters  and  warriors,  determined  also 
the  limits  of  the  Iroquois  medical  learning.  Since  feeble  mem 
bers  of  the  population  were  not  likely  to  survive  the  period  of 
infancy,  and  since  there  was  but  little  opportunity  to  nurse  and 
care  for  any  one  seriously  ill;  the  Iroquois  confined  their  atten 
tion  to  those  suffering  from  simple  and  temporary  maladies,  or 
from  injuries  whose  cause  and  cure  were  not  difficult  to  ascertain. 
Hence  a  knowledge  of  the  efficacy  of  certain  roots  and  herbs  in 
curing  wounds  and  simple  diseases  was  all  that  they  possessed 
of  the  science  of  medicine.1  In  the  preparation  and  use  of  these 
simple  natural  remedies  certain  persons  were  more  skilled  than 
others,  but  as  yet  no  special  class  of  physicians  had  been  formed. 
The  Iroquois  apothecary  was,  in  fact,  a  hunter  and  warrior,  or  an 
agriculturist  like  any  other  clan  member. 

Some  slight  knowledge  of  certain  great  natural  laws  had  been 
gained  by  the  Iroquois  as  a  result  of  agricultural  experience. 

1  Complicated  diseases  were  handed  over  to  the  sorcerer  to  be  cured 
by  magic  arts.  Jes.  Rel.,  XIII,  27,  note  3;  XVII,  211  sq. ;  XXXIII,  203. 
The  principle  of  the  Turkish  bath;  i.  e.  the  sweat-lodge,  was  the  remedy 
most  frequently  used  for  simple  ailments.  Lafitau,  II,  371-372,  374. 


GENERAL   CULTURE  OF  THE   IROQUOIS.  149 

Although  not  yet  an  exclusively  maize-growing  people,  they  never 
theless  were  dependent  enough  upon  their  crops  not  only  to  feel 
the  effect  of  the  law  of  diminishing  returns  of  land,  but  also  to 
make  intelligent  efforts  to  hinder  its  working.  There  is  consid 
erable  evidence  that  they  understood  and  put  into  practice  the 
principle  of  the  rotation  of  crops, — sowing  beans,  for  instance,  in  a 
field  where  corn  had  been  grown  the  previous  year.1  Probably, 
like  the  New  England  Indians,  they  also  recognized  the  necessity 
of  letting  worn  out  fields  lie  fallow  for  a  year  or  two  before  re- 
sowing.2  To  what  extent  the  Iroquois  understood  the  value  of 
fertilizers  does  not  seem  clear.  Most  writers  say  nothing  about 
the  matter;  which  silence,  together  with  the  fact  that  the  village 
had  to  move  to  new  lands  every  dozen  or  so  years,  leads  to  the 
conclusion  that  very  little  was  done  in  this  direction.  The  practice 
of  burning  over  the  fields  every  autumn,  preparatory  to  sowing  in 
the  spring,3  undoubtedly  enriched  the  ground ;  but  the  farmers 
themselves  probably  thought  of  it  chiefly  as  an  easy  way  of  clear 
ing  the  ground  of  stubble,  weeds,  and  brush,  rather  than  as  a 
means  of  fertilizing  the  soil.  Lescarbot,  however,  in  speaking 
generally  of  the  Indians  of  the  Atlantic  Coast,  says  that  they  fer 
tilize  their  fields  with  shells;4  and  Hennepin  says  explicitly 5  that 
the  Iroquois  were  no  exception  to  the  rule.  "  The  Iroquois,"  he 
says,  "manure  a  great  deal  of  ground  for  sowing  their  Indian 
corn."  It  seems  likely  that  the  Iroquois  had  some  idea  of  inten 
sive  methods  of  agriculture,  though  this  was  not  yet  sufficiently 
developed  to  allow  them  permanently  to  use  the  same  fields. 
Such  extended  knowledge  was,  in  fact,  not  yet  necessary.  The 
Iroquois  had  plenty  of  room  in  which  to  move  about;  they  used 

'La  Potherie,  III,  18-19. 

2  Champlain,  p.   84 — "II   y   avail   aussi   plusieurs   champs   qui   n'etaient 
point  cultives,  d'autant  qu'ils  laissent  reposer  les  terres;   et  quand  il  y 
veuleut  semer,  ils  mettent  le  feu  dans  les  herbes,  et  puis  labourent  avec 
leurs  beches  de  bois." 

3  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui.,  No.  16,  p.  54. 

*  Lescarbot,  II,  834. — "  Tous  ces  peuples  engraissent  leurs  champs  de 
coquillages  de  poissons." 

5  Hennepin,  "  A  New  Discovery  of  a  Vast  Country  in  America,"  I,  18 
(London,  1698). 


I5O  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

a  great  deal  of  wood  for  fuel,  and  so  found  it  convenient  to  go 
from  place  to  place  in  order  always  to  be  near  an  abundant  supply ; 
and  lastly,  their  hunting  and  fishing  habits  made  them  not  averse 
to  changing  their  location  as  game  grew  scarce  near  the  old  site. 
The  fact  that  they  were  partly  a  hunting  and  partly  an  agricul 
tural  people  accounts  for  the  double  basis  upon  which  the  Iroquois 
formed  their  calendar.  Much  of  the  activity  of  the  hunter  and 
warrior  is  carried  on  at  night,  when  the  stars  are  the  travellers' 
sign  posts  j1  furthermore,  the  hunting  season  is  a  comparatively 
elastic  period,  not  compressed  absolutely  into  a  few  months,  but 
extended  more  or  less  throughout  a  large  part  of  the  year :  there 
fore  hunters  adopt  the  simple  and  obvious  method  of  computing 
time  by  nights  rather  than  by  days,  and  by  lunar  months  rather 
than  by  the  movement  of  the  earth  around  the  sun.  Agricultur 
ists,  however,  carry  on  their  labors  only  by  day,  and  during  a  fixed 
period  of  the  year ;  to  them  the  solstices  and  the  succession  of  the 
seasons  in  which  field  operations  go  on  or  are  intermitted,  are 
facts  of  primary  importance :  hence,  while  the  hunter  divides  the 
year  into  lunar  months,  the  agriculturist  divides  it  into  seasons, 
reckoned  according  to  a  solar  calendar.  The  Iroquois,  as  might 
be  expected,  used  both  the  sun  and  the  moon  calendar.  In  or 
dinary  affairs  of  hunting,  fishing,  and  war,  they  computed  time 
by  nights  and  lunar  months,  twelve  "  moons  "  making  up  their 
year:  but  for  purposes  of  agriculture,  they  also  reckoned  by 
seasons,  marking  their  recurrence  by  great  festivals.  According 
to  Lafitau,2  they  sometimes  reckoned  by  solar  months,  for  which 

1  Schoolcraft,  "  Hist.  Ind.  Tribes,"  V,  171. 

2  Lafitau,  II,  225   sq.     "  Us  comptent  ordinairement  par  les  nuits.  .  .  . 
Plutot  que  par  les  jours;  par  les  mois  lunaires  plutot  que  par  ceux  du 
soleil.  .  .  .  Cependant  cette  maniere  de  compter  est  subordonnee  au  cours 
du  soleil,  qui  sert  a  regler  leurs  annees,  les  quelles  sont  partagees  en  quatre 
saisons  comme  les  notres,  et  sont  divisees  en  douze  mois.    La  maniere 
de  compter  par  les  lunes,  n'est  pas  meme  si  universelle,  qu'ils  ne  comptent 
aussi  par  les  annees  solaires.    Je  crois  avoir  remarque  que  I'ttne  et  1'autre 
maniere  de  compter  est  affectee  a  certaines  choses,  et  qu'en  d'autres  occa 
sions  elles  s'employent  indifferement.  .  .  .  Les  annees  solaires  sont  des- 
tinees  a  marquer  Fage  des  hommes.  ...  Us  comptent  de  la  meme  fagon 
pour  toutes  les  choses  eloignees,  qui  renferment  une  periode  de  temps 
assez  longue.  ...  Us  comptent  au  contraire  par  les  Lunes  et  par  les  nuits. 


GENERAL   CULTURE  OF  THE   IROQUOIS.  15! 

they  had  a  special  word,  quite  distinct  from  the  word  used  to 
designate  a  lunar  month.  Moreover,  the  names  of  their  months 
from  spring  to  fall  were  based  upon  the  operations  involved  in 
sowing,  growth,  and  harvest.  Thus,  in  their  method  of  com 
puting  the  passage  of  time,  as  in  many  other  respects,  the  Iro- 
quois  "  halted  "  between  two  opinions,  the  one  characteristic  of 
the  hunter,  the  other  of  the  agriculturist. 

In  short,  the  Iroquois  manner  of  production ;  i.  e.  forest  hunt 
ing  and  fishing,  together  with  maize-culture,  though  it  had  devel 
oped  physically  and  mentally  a  fine  type  of  humanity,  had  neither 
necessitated  nor  encouraged  any  great  progress  in  scientific  learn 
ing.  A  little  astronomy — enough  to  guide  them  in  their  journeys, 
and  to  make  up  their  yearly  calendar,  a  slight  knowledge  of  the 
healing  art,  a  certain  degree  of  intelligence  in  regard  to  the  laws 
governing  plant  life,  was  all  that  they  needed  to  aid  them  in  the 
process  of  utilization,  as  they  carried  it  on. 

Although  the  hunting  and  fishing  life  of  the  Iroquois  and  their 
primitive  form  of  agriculture  had  brought  about  among  them  only 
a  slight  development  of  scientific  knowledge,  yet  their  method  of 
production;  i.  e.  the  clan  organization,  had  encouraged  a  decided 
growth  in  literary  culture,  and  in  social  customs  and  observances. 

The  well  organized  political  and  military  system  of  the  Iroquois 
demanded  some  means  of  conveying  information  otherwise  than 
orally,  and  also  of  preserving  a  record  of  transactions  and  events 
otherwise  than  by  mere  tradition.  These  objects  were  accom 
plished  by  pictography  and  by  the  use  of  strings  of  wampum. 
Neither  invention  was  peculiar  to  the  Iroquois,  any  more  than  to 

quand  il  s'agit  d'un  terme  assez  court,  de  prendre  leurs  mesures  pour 
leurs  voyages  de  guerre,  de  chasse,  ou  de  peche,  pour  leurs  rendez-vous, 
et  pour  le  temps  de  leur  retour,  etc.  Dans  ces  occasions  la  meme  ils 
disent  fort  bien,  "  Skarakouat,"  qui  signifie  un  mois  heliaque,  comme 
s'Ouennitat  qui  signifie  un  mois  lunaire,  mais  le  premier  est  moins  ordi 
naire  que  le  second." 

Of  La  Hontan's  account  of  the  intercalation  of  an  extra  month  every 
thirty  years— "  la  Lune  perdue,"— Lafitau  says,  "Tout  ce  la  me  parait 
etre  la  pure  invention  de  cet  auteur.  .  .  .  Ce  qu'il  y  a  de  certain,  c'est 
qu'ils  n'ont  point  une  exactitude  mathematique  pour  les  intercalations,  et 
pour  accorder  les  annees  heliaques  avec  les  annees  lunaires." 


152  ECONOMICS   OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 

any  other  tribe  in  North  America.  But  the  more  complex  and 
closely  organized  the  group,  the  more  necessary  becomes  some 
method  of  intercommunication  and  of  record-keeping.  Hence 
the  clan,  tribal,  and  confederate  form  of  the  Iroquois  state,  de 
manded  and  brought  about  a  greater  development  along  these 
lines  than  was  necessary  among  domestic  economists. 

Pictography,  the  more  primitive  of  the  two  methods,  was  used 
mainly  by  the  older  and  more  primitive  of  the  clan  organizations, 
namely,  that  of  the  warriors.  By  this  means  they  conveyed  in 
formation  and  kept  memoranda  of  their  different  expeditions.  A 
party  of  warriors  in  the  course  of  a  journey  were  accustomed  here 
and  there  to  remove  some  of  the  bark  from  a  tree,  and  draw  on 
the  exposed  surface  certain  significant  designs.  To  the  initiated 
passer-by  those  rough  pictures  revealed,  for  instance,  the  number 
of  days  the  party  had  been  travelling,  the  route  taken,  and  the 
number  of  prisoners.1  A  permanent  history  of  warlike  events 
was  kept  in  a  similar  manner.  Mary  Jemison  says :  "  In  order 
to  commemorate  great  events  and  preserve  the  chronology  of 
them,  the  war  chief  in  each  tribe  (gens)  keeps  a  war  post.  This 
post  is  a  peeled  stick  of  timber  ten  or  twelve  feet  high  that  is 
erected  in  the  town.  For  a  campaign,  they  make,  or  rather  the 
chief  makes,  a  perpendicular  red  mark  about  three  inches  long, 
and  half  an  inch  wide ;  on  the  opposite  side  from  this,  for  a  scalp, 
they  make  a  red  cross,  thus  =|=  ;  on  another  side,  for  a  prisoner 
taken  alive,  they  make  a  red  cross,  in  this  manner  x,  with  a 
head  or  dot;  and  by  placing  such  significant  hieroglyphics  in  so 
conspicuous  a  situation,  they  are  enabled  to  ascertain  with  greater 
certainty  the  time  and  circumstance  of  past  events." 2  This 
method  of  recording,  however,  seems  to  have  been  confined  purely 
to  military  affairs.  For  civil  matters,  a  more  developed  system 
was  in  vogue,  namely,  that  based  upon  the  use  of  wampum  or 
little  sticks  of  wood. 

The  date  of  the  introduction  of  shell  wampum  records  among 
the  Iroquois  has  been  a  matter  of  some  dispute.  Mr.  Morgan 
regards  it  as  a  prehistoric  occurrence.  He  says,  "  the  original 
wampum  of  the  Iroquois,  in  which  the  laws  of  the  league  were 

1  Jes.  Rel.,  XII,  215;  Doc.  Hist.  N.  Y.,  I,  7  sq. 

2  "Life  of  Mary  Jemison,"  p.  71. 


GENERAL   CULTURE   OF   THE   IROQUOIS.  153 

recorded,  was  made  of  spiral  fresh-water  shells  .  .  .  which  were 
strung  on  deer-skin  strings,  or  sinew,  and  the  strands  braided 
into  belts,  or  simply  united  into  strings."  *  Mr.  Hale  and  Mr. 
Beauchamp,  however,  are  of  the  opinion  that  it  was  not  until  the 
coming  of  the  whites  and  their  tools  that  wampum  was  used  by 
the  Iroquois  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  records.  Previous  to 
that  time  most  of  their  shell  wampum  had  been  used  as  orna 
ments,  while  collections  of  little  sticks  served  as  memoranda  of 
events.  Mr.  Hale's  and  Mr.  Beauchamp's  opinion  in  the  matter 
is  supported  by  the  testimony  of  Loskiel,2  who  says :  "  Before  the 
Europeans  came  to  North  America,  the  Indians  used  to  make 
their  strings  of  wampum  chiefly  of  small  pieces  of  wood  of  equal 
size,  stained  with  black  or  white.  Few  were  made  of  mussels, 
which  were  esteemed  very  valuable  and  difficult  to  make ;  for  not 
having  proper  tools,  they  spent  much  time  in  finishing  them,  and 
yet  their  work  had  a  clumsy  appearance.  But  the  Europeans  soon 
continued  to  make  strings  of  wampum,  both  neat  and  elegant,  in 
abundance.  These  they  bartered  with  the  Indians  for  other 
goods.  .  .  .  The  Indians  immediately  gave  up  the  use  of  the  old 
wooden  substitute  for  wampum,  and  procured  those  made  of 
mussels,  which  though  fallen  in  price,  were  always  considered 
valuable." 

Even  after  the  coming  of  the  whites,  sticks  continued  to  be 
used  to  some  extent,  at  any  rate  among  the  Hurons.  Le  Jeune 
speaks  of  the  chiefs'  "  packages  of  council  sticks,  which  are  all 
the  books  and  papers  of  the  country :  "3  and  in  another  place  we 
are  told  that  "  The  captains  use  little  sticks  instead  of  books, 
which  they  sometimes  mark  with  certain  signs,  sometimes  not. 
By  the  aid  of  these  they  can  repeat  the  names  of  a  hundred  or 
more  presents,  the  decisions  adopted  in  the  councils,  and  a  thou 
sand  other  particulars  which  we  could  not  remember  without 
writing." 4 

1  Morgan,  "  League,"  p.  120,  note. 

2  Hale,   "Indian    Wampum   Records,"    in    Pop.    Sci.    Mo.,   L,    481-483; 
Beauchamp,  "  Iroquois  Trail,"  p.  63.     Cf.  Beauchamp,  N.  Y.  St.  Mus.  Bui., 
No.  41— "Wampum  and  Shell  Articles."    Holmes,  Eth.  Rep.,  1880-1881, 
pp.  240  sq. 

3  Jes.  Rel.,  X,  293. 

*Jes.  Rel.,  XXXVIII,  261. 


154  ECONOMICS  OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

As  a  general  thing,  however,  after  the  coming  of  the  Euro 
peans,  shell  wampum  was  employed  by  the  Iroquois  for  mnemonic 
purposes.  Lafitau  says  that  the  little  cylindrical  tubes  were  used 
in  two  forms, — as  "  branches  "  and  as  "  collars."  The  former 
were  made  of  cylinders  of  white  wampum,  strung  together.  They 
were  used  in  unimportant  affairs.  The  so-called  "  collars  "  were 
large  belts  made  of  strings  of  white  and  of  purple  wampum,  the 
different  strands  being  fastened  together  by  leather  bands.  The 
length  and  width  of  the  belts  and  the  kind  of  wampum  used  were 
determined  by  the  importance  of  the  affair  in  hand.  Ordinary 
belts  were  of  eleven  strands,  each  of  one  hundred  and  forty  pieces 
of  wampum.  In  general,  the  colors  used,  the  arrangement  and 
relative  position  of  the  strands, — all  denoted  some  special  event  or 
transaction,  and  its  important  details.1 

No  written  contract  could  have  been  more  binding,  nor  sworn 
oath  more  solemn,  than  the  strings  of  wampum  given  to  each 
other  by  parties  concerned  in  a  transaction,  as  a  witness  and 
record  of  what  had  passed  between  them.2  The  law  held  equally 
good  in  intercourse  between  different  clans  or  gentes,  villages, 
and  tribes.  "  For  all  these  peoples,"  the  Jesuit  Relations  say, 
"  have  no  voice  except  it  be  accompanied  by  presents ;  these  serve 
as  contracts,  and  as  public  proofs  which  are  handed  down  to  pos 
terity  and  attest  what  has  been  done  in  any  matter."3  These 
records,  so  unintelligible  to  white  men,  were  absolutely  clear  and 
unmistakable  to  those  among  the  Iroquois  whose  task  it  was  to 
read  them.  La  Hontan  says,  "  The  savages  have  the  best  mem 
ories  in  the  world.  They  remember  so  far  back  that  when  our 
governors  .  .  .  propose  to  them  things  contrary  to  what  has  been 
proposed  to  them  thirty  or  forty  years  ago,  they  answer  that  the 
Frenchmen  are  contradicting  themselves,  .  .  .  and  in  order  to 
confirm  their  response  more  strongly,  they  have  the  porcelain 
collars  brought  out  that  were  given  them  at  that  time.  For  these 
are  a  sort  of  contracts  .  .  .  without  which  it  is  impossible  to  settle 
any  affair  of  importance  with  the  savages."4 

Lafitau,  I,  503-508. 

2  Jes.  Rel.,  XXII,  311;  XXV,  53;  XXXI,  87;  LIII,  187. 

3  Jes.  Rel,  XXII,  291;  XXXIII,  133;  XL,  165. 
*La  Hontan,  "Voyages,"  II,  109. 


GENERAL   CULTURE  OF  THE   IROQUOIS.  155 

Altogether,  although  they  had  no  alphabet,  nor  any  kind  of 
written  language,  the  Iroquois  had  a  pretty  complete  system  of 
signs — pictorial  and  otherwise — by  the  aid  of  which  they  con 
veyed  information  and  recorded  events.  Their  method  was  not 
original  with  them,  but  was  used  to  a  greater  or  less  degree  by 
most  of  the  other  tribes  of  North  America.  As  the  Iroquois  had 
developed  it,  however,  the  system  exactly  met  the  needs  of  their 
simple  life,  and  satisfied  them  as  well  as  more  elaborate  methods 
satisfy  people  at  a  more  complex  stage  of  culture. 

To  the  clan  organization  of  the  Iroquois  may  also  be  attributed 
the  great  amount  of  social  intercourse,  the  dances,  feasts,  and 
games,  which  resulted  in  the  development  among  them  of  a  re 
markable  degree  of  tact,  ease  of  manner,  and  conversational 
ability.  The  perpetual  council  meetings  also  worked  toward  this 
end.  Aside  from  the  councils,  however,  dances,  feasts,  and  games, 
either  religious  or  purely  social  in  their  object,  were  constantly 
occurring  among  the  Iroquois.  There  were  many  different 
dances ;  some  of  them  performed  by  small  and  select  bands,  some 
exclusively  for  women,  others  for  warriors,  and  many  of  them 
open  to  all.1  Dialogues  were  a  regular  part  of  some  dances,  and 
formed  a  fine  training  in  the  art  of  repartee  and  impromptu 
speaking.  Often  a  dancer  picked  out  a  certain  individual  among 
the  spectators,  and  ridiculed  him  amid  the  laughter  and  applause 
of  all.  Sometimes  young  men  ranged  themselves  in  two  opposite 
lines,  and  each  one  made  fun  of  his  vis-a-vis  until  one  or  the 
other  gave  up  the  contest.2  Similarly,  feasts  and  games  culti 
vated  the  social  abilities  of  the  Iroquois  clansfolk. 

The  possession  of  a  comparatively  large  agricultural  surplus, 
their  general  prosperity  and  consequent  leisure  time,  gave  the 
Iroquois  an  opportunity  to  cultivate  a  certain  degree  of  esthetic 
taste.  Undoubtedly,  from  the  standpoint  of  modern  civilization, 
it  was  a  comparatively  slight  development.  In  regard  to  the 
sense  of  smell,  for  instance,  they  had  not  gone  beyond  the  stage 
reached  by  the  most  primitive  utilitarian.  According  to  the 
statement  of  one  of  the  Jesuits :  "  They  are  indifferent  to  the 

1  Morgan,  "League,"  pp.  261,  268  sq.,  279,  283  sq. ;  Lafitau,  I,  521  sq. ; 
Jes.  Rel.,  VIII,  29;  XVI,  65;  XL,  209;  LXI,  HI,  119. 

2  Lafitau,  I,  525,  526. 


156  ECONOMICS  OF  THE   IROQUOIS. 

odors  of  things  which  are  not  eatable/'1  Nevertheless,  along 
artistic  lines,  the  Iroquois  had  made  considerable  advance,  espe 
cially  in  regard  to  the  decoration  of  clothing  and  utensils.  Los- 
kiel  says  that  in  matters  of  dress  the  Iroquois  set  the  fashion  for 
the  neighboring  tribes,  having  means  and  leisure  for  this,  as  well 
as  high  rank.2  The  festal  costumes  of  the  Iroquois  were  elab 
orately  decorated  with  embroidery  and  dyes  of  various  colors. 
In  decorating  skins,  they  took  great  pains,  first  cutting  in  the 
desired  outlines,  then  coloring  with  paints  made  from  certain  red 
earth  found  on  the  shores  of  lakes  and  rivers,  and  also  with  juices 
and  ashes  of  plants.3  Leggings  were  often  embroidered  with  elk 
hair  dyed  red  or  yellow  and  trimmed  with  a  fringe  of  porcupine 
quills,  stained  scarlet.4  Other  garments  also  were  often  beauti 
fied  in  this  way.  Their  tools  and  utensils  were  also  often  elab 
orately  decorated;  for  instance,  on  the  handles  of  wooden  ladles 
were  sometimes  carved  human  figures,  animals,  etc.  In  general, 
the  Iroquois  displayed  much  taste  and  ingenuity  in  this  sort  of 
ornamentation. 5 

In  conclusion,  one  is  justified  in  ascribing  to  economic  con 
ditions  among  the  Iroquois  the  origin  of  the  chief  features  of  their 
general  culture  and  intelligence.  Their  manner  of  production,  on 
the  one  hand,  accounts  for  the  extent  of  their  knowledge  of  cer 
tain  sciences  and  natural  laws,  and  also  for  their  method  of  com 
puting  time :  on  the  other  hand,  their  methods  of  production  ex 
plain  the  development  of  their  system  of  communication  and 
record-keeping,  and  of  their  social  life  and  its  consequent  char 
acteristics  :  finally,  their  general  economic  prosperity  accounts  for 
their  preeminence  along  artistic  lines.  In  short,  the  general  cul 
ture  of  the  Iroquois  was  neither  greater  nor  less  in  extent  than 
might  have  been  deduced  from  a  knowledge  of  their  economic 
situation. 

1  Cf.  ante,  p.  263,  note  2. 

2Beauchamp,  "Iroquois  Trail,"  p.  118.     Cf.  Lafitau,  II,  54  sq.,  58;  Jes. 
Rel.,  LXII,  179;  XXXVIII,  249. 
3  Lafitau,  II,  33,  35. 
*  Jes.  Rel.,  LXVIII,  265 ;  LXIV,  293. 
5  Morgan,  "League,"  p.  383;  Holmes,  Eth.  Rep.,  1880-1881,  p.  230. 


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VITA. 

SARA  HENRY  STITES  was  born  in  Wyoming,  Pennsylvania, 
July  20,  18/7.  She  received  her  preparatory  training  at  the 
Wilkes-Barre  Institute,  and  entered  Bryn  Mawr  College  in  1895, 
receiving  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts  in  1899,  and  that  of 
Master  of  Arts  in  1900.  During  the  year  1899-1900  she  was 
Graduate  Scholar  in  Economics  and  History  in  Bryn  Mawr  Col 
lege.  In  the  spring  of  1900  she  was  awarded  the  President  M. 
Carey  Thomas  European  Fellowship,  and  went  abroad  for  a  year's 
study  at  the  Sorbonne  and  the  College  de  France.  Here  she 
divided  her  time  between  private  research  at  the  Biblioteque 
Nationale,  and  attendance  at  the  lectures  of  Professors  Marcel 
Dubois,  Leroy-Beaulieu,  and  Levasseur.  During  the  winter  of 
1901-1902  she  studied  at  the  University  of  Leipzig,  devoting  her 
time  to  work  in  connection  with  the  Ethnographic  and  Geographic 
seminars  in  the  department  of  Professor  Ratzel,  and  to  attendance 
at  the  lectures  of  Professors  Ratzel,  Biicher,  Stieda,  and  Weule. 
On  her  return  to  America,  she  was  awarded  the  Scholarship  in 
Economics  in  Bryn  Mawr  College  for  the  years  1902-1904.  In 
the  spring  of  1904,  she  passed  examinations  for  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Philosophy,  offering  as  her  Major  subject,  Economics 
and  Politics ;  and  as  her  Minor  subject,  American  and  English 
Constitutional  History.  Her  studies  at  Bryn  Mawr  were  directed 
by  Professors  Lindley  M.  Keasbey,  Charles  M.  Andrews,  Frederick 
W.  Jones,  and  W.  R.  Smith. 

For  assistance  and  encouragement  in  her  private  work,  the 
writer's  thanks  are  due  to  Professor  Marcel  Dubois  of  the  Sor 
bonne,  Professor  Friedrich  Ratzel  of  the  University  of  Leipzig, 
and  especially  to  Professor  Lindley  M.  Keasbey  of  Bryn  Mawr 
College. 


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